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1 U HUMSKOJ ZEMLJI // IN THE LAND OF HUM , ADNAN VELAGIĆ
The paper deals with the position of Herzegovina in the Middle Ages. Although the significance and role of the surrounding causes and phenomena have been elaborated, which have undoubtedly influenced the situation of this area in certain periods, the main focus of the paper was placed on the position of Herzegovina within the Bosnian state, to which it belonged during the Middle Ages. However, the pronounced animosity among the Bosnian authorities and the inability of the central authorities to put the situation under control were often the main cause of the struggle against Hum. The foreign forces, especially the Hungarian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, contributed to this, as they supported their state interests for their interests.
2 MEHMED-PAŠA SOKOLOVIĆ I PRAVOSLAVNI OGRANAK NJEGOVE PORODICE U PEĆKOJ PATRIJARŠIJI// MEHMED-PAŠA SOKOLOVIĆ AND ORTHODOX PART OF HIS FAMILY IN THE SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE OF PEĆ , UROŠ DAKIĆ
Relations between the Patriarchate of Pec and the Ottoman state were rising, while the members of the Orthodox branch of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian family Sokolovic, relatives of the great vizier Mehmed-pasha Sokolovic, were placed on the patriarchal throne. Shortly after vizier’s murder in 1579, the policies of the Serbian Church and the Ottoman Empire began to diverge that caused their bad relations. The patriarchs who inherited the "dynasty" Sokolović su began to associate with increasingly frequent anti-Ottoman movements both inside and outside the Empire, and consequently, the position of the Serbian church weakened until it was finally abolished in 1766.
3 IZMEĐU DEOSMANIZACIJE I BALKANIZACIJE: MUHADŽIRSKE DIONICE BOŠNJAČKE HISTORIJE // BETWEEN DEOSMANIZATION AND BALKANIZATION: REFUGEE'S STEPS OF BOSNIAK HISTORY , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
The past and the present are inseparable, one interprets the other. Many "long-lasting" processes go beyond local frameworks and regional borders. This also applies to the complex "Eastern question", as well as the problem of the deosmanization of the Balkans, whose political geography in the 19th and 20th centuries was exposed to radical overlaps. Wars and persecutions are important factors in the history of Balkan Muslims. In the seventies of the XIX century, they constituted half of the population in the Ottoman part of the Balkans. With war devastation, a considerable part was killed or expelled to Anadolia between 1870 and 1890. The emergent "Turkish islands" in the Balkans after 1878 were increasingly narrowed, or disappeared due to the displacement of Muslims. Multiethnic and religious color of the Balkans disturbed accounts with simple categorizations. The term "balkanization" signified, after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, "not only the fragmentation of large and powerful political units, but became synonymous with returning tribal, backward, primitive, and barbaric." The Balkanization of "Ottoman Europe" and the violent changes in its ethnic-religious structure led to discontinuity, the erosion of history, as well as fragmentation of the minds of the remaining Muslims and their afflicted communities, the lack of knowledge of the interconnectedness of their fates. The emigration of Bosniaks and other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, and then to Turkey, during the XIX and XX centuries, had a number of consequences.
4 UREĐENJE GRANIČNIH PRIJELAZNIH MJESTA I SAOBRAĆAJA NA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKOJ I CRNOGORSKOJ GRANICI 1912. GODINE // DEVELOPMENT OF BORDER CROSSINGS AND TRAFFIC IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA AND MONTENEGRIN BORDER 1912 , IZET ŠABOTIĆ
The paper gives a brief overview of the problem of traffic regulation and border crossings on the Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro border in 1912. After the border between Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina was established at the Berlin Congress in 1878, certain problems were created in the realization of communications and the transition between the population of the border parts of this state. It was the area of the districts: Foca, Gacko, Bileca and Trebinje from the Bosnian side and the Pivka and Golija Captains from the Montenegrin side. Namely, in certain places there were no transitions from one side or the other, so the population went to the so-called. "Illegal" places, performing trade and other necessary jobs and needs. This represented some difficulties for the authorities of both countries, because many goods were smuggled, or not cleared, which caused some damage to these countries. The authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro were willing to regulate border relations, the establishment of several official crossing points, and the established procedure for monitoring passengers and clearance of goods. In 1912, this procedure was up-to-date, as confirmed by the mutual correlation between the official authorities of these states. In this paper, on the basis of several documents, attempts were made to point out attempts to regulate traffic and grant privileges to citizens on this border by the states of Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
5 ĐURUMLIJE IZ SANDŽAKA NA GALICIJI (1916-1917) // VOLUNTEERS FROM SANJAK IN GALICIA (1916/1917) , REDŽEP ŠKRIJELJ
Based on unpublished sources from Serbian, Turkish, Austrian and other archives, we illuminate the phenomenon of Muslim volunteers (volunteers). In this study, on the basis of archival material and the telling of contemporaries, we are talking about Bosniak warriors who were taken away to write history, but most of them did not know the geography. Namely, after the occupation of the Sandžak region (November 21, 1915), in the autumn of 1916 - the spring of 1917, the Austro-Hungarian Army, with the help of local ages and begs, carried out a fierce propaganda campaign, after which in the struggle against the Russians, front in Ukraine, took more than 10 thousand volunteers aged between 18 and 50 years. The occupying Austro-Hungarian authorities used the Ottoman Empire to enter the First World War on the side of the Central Powers for propaganda against the forces of Antanta, accusing them of the First World War for the destruction of Muslims, opposing the Bosniak population the illusion of the renewal of the Ottoman authorities in Sandzak. The second phase of mobilization (1917) denies the claim of "volunteers" because most of them are violently intervened. In the nation, these warriors were still known as "dwarfs". Most of them disappeared or transferred to the Middle East fronts. Every tenth captured or survived returned to homeland, which explains the vast post-war depopulation of the male population.
6 JUSUF MEHONJIĆ U PJEVANJU SANDŽAČKIH BOŠNJAKA // JUSUF MEHONJIĆ IN SONGS OF SANDŽAK BOSNIAKS , NAKA K. NIKŠIĆ
The difficult position of Bosniaks Sandžak at the beginning of the 20th century has caused the uprising of individuals from the authorities and their association with comites (rebels). According to historical sources, the most famous Sandzak rebel was Jusuf Mehonjić, a native of Šahović (village Grančarevo), which Zaimović, in one of his work, called the Bosniak's Wilhelm Tell. He is mentioned in numerous epic poems called the so-called rebel opus that we find in the collections of oral literature of Bosniaks Sandžak, and from them the knowledge of his intellectual and physical potential, as well as the character of the protector of the disadvantaged and endangered Bosniaks. However, when it comes to ethnomusicological collections, we find that there is not a single song about this historical personality in them. The aim of this work is to preserve the musical tradition of Sandzak Bosniaks by finding and ethnomusicologic recording of lyrical poems about Jusuf Mehonjic, as well as pointing to the possibility of their nurturing through the education system in teaching in the Bosnian language in Serbia. The work and the work of Jusuf Mehonjić were examined in the paper by theoretical analysis of historical and literary sources. At the same time, the Finnish method recorded the only lyrical song about him, which we found by exploring the live musical tradition of the Sandzak Bosniaks. This is the song of Moj sokole pogledaj niz polje. This work should contribute to preserving the musical tradition of the Sandzak Bosniaks and getting to know Jusuf Mehonjic - a significant figure in the history of Sandzak.
7 PRILIKE U ŠKOLSTVU BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE ZA VRIJEME PRIVREMENOG DRŽAVNOG UREĐENJA U KRALJEVSTVU SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA // OPPORTUNITIES IN THE SCHOOL OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FOR THE TIME OF THE TEMPORARY STATE ORGANIZATION IN THE KINGDOM OF SRBA, CROATIA AND SLOVENIA , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
The school system represents for each country and society one of the most important segments. Because of this, but also a number of other reasons the authorities try to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were realized. Curricula and curricula eliminated content whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite spread the idea of a "one-tribe nation", striving to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Teachers who had to respond to the "spirit of time", and curricula and curriculum, had an important place in achieving goals. Significant changes have been made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, and works for Serbian school, literature in literature, literature and literature from the Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature. The largest number of workbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.
8 ALIJA AVDOVIĆ – BORAC ZA SLOBODU I RAVNOPRAVNOST // ALIJA AVDOVIC – A FIGHTER FOR FREEDOM AND EQUALIT , ZEĆIR RAMČILOVIĆ
On the territory of today's Republic of Macedonia, people of different nations, religions and cultures live for centuries. Different states and administrations, but also peoples who have always strived for a prosperous state in which everyone would have complete freedom, simply equal opportunities, rights and obligations. With this ideology, the generations of Macedonian citizens were born and died. In the period between the two world wars living in the Vardar part of Macedonia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was not easy. In the conditions when the authorities do not recognize the existence of Macedonians, but also Bosniaks, who, except in the territory of historical Bosnia, live in all parts of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the struggle for freedom and equality of all peoples living in it is intensified even more. This struggle for the preservation and building of a national identity had a revolutionary socio-economic character, as it sought to abolish class domination over most of the population. The bearer of this struggle was the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). In this movement, Macedonians and Bosnians saw a chance to realize their aspirations to build a state in which they would be equal to other nations of former Yugoslavia. In the Vardar region of Macedonia, the bearers of this ideology and the revolutionary movement alongside the Macedonians were also Bosniaks. One of the first and most important Macedonian revolutionaries was a Bosniak Alija Avdovic. It starts its activity from the earliest days of the organized communist movement in Vardar Macedonia. Better to say, one of the founders of the movement, when in the spring of 1933, the Provincial Committee (PK) of the CPY for Macedonia is formed. Believing that Yugoslavia is possible only as a community of equal peoples, but also as a community in which there is no class domination, Alija Avdovic is actively working on raising awareness and creating revolutionary cells that will enable the realization of this idea. Why he was driven, convicted, and imprisoned. But nothing has crushed him in this fight. In the onslaught of fascism when the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was occupied, and the movement grew into a unified armed resistance to the freedom of the future common state of equal peoples, its work was gaining in intensity. The new fascist authorities have tried to arrest and destroy all the more significant revolutionaries. In August 1941, he was arrested and then shot by a young life, but whose work and ideas were extended to live and partially realized in the anti-fascist struggle and the creation of a new Yugoslav state.
9 ETATIZAM NA PRIMJERU OBEZBIJEĐENOG SNABDIJEVANJA STANOVNIŠTVA U USLOVIMA POSLIJERATNE OBNOVE I PRVOG PETOGODIŠNJEG PLANA // ETATISM ON THE EXAMPLE OF SECURED SUPPLY OF POPULATION IN CONDITIONS OF POST-WAR RECONSTRUCTION AND THE FIRST FIVE-YEAR PLAN     , SENAID HADŽIĆ
The author deals with the issue of the influence of the state administration on certain segments of the Bosnian society in the conditions of post-war reconstruction and the first five-year plan. The paper presents historical facts that speak about the circumstances of introduction of rationed and guaranteed supply of the population, which is often underlined by the concept of secured supply, the manner of realization of it, certain shortcomings, omissions and way of controlling the entire society through the mentioned supply. The work is written on the basis of, until now, unpublished archival material stored in the Archives of Yugoslavia, the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regional archives, then published sources, statistical annals, the contemporary press and relevant literature.
10 OD UČITELJSKE ŠKOLE DO FILOZOFSKOG FAKULTETA U TUZLI: PRILOG PROUČAVANJU TRANSFORMACIJE VISOKOŠKOLSKOG OBRAZOVANJA // FROM THE TEACHER'S SCHOOL TO THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY IN TUZLA: CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION , SEAD OMERBEGOVIĆ, NIHAD KULENOVIĆ
The paper presents the history of higher education transformation in the region of northeastern Bosnia until the founding of the Faculty of Philosophy, nowadays modernly organized higher education institutions, whose roots reach back to 1941. Because, right then, during the Second World War, the first School of Teacher Education began in operation in Tuzla, which, in a way, has begun to pave the Pedagogical Academy and the present Faculty of Philosophy in Tuzla. Political discussions and decisions of the executive and legislative authorities of all levels necessary for the founding of the Faculty of Philosophy are shown. Chronologically, the development of the faculties from two-course study programs in the initial period of education to the innovative one-subject study programs based on the Sorbonne Declaration of 25 May 1998, the Bologna Declaration of 19 June 1999 and the structure of educational studies at some faculties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Europe and the world.
11 OSNIVANJE BIBLIOTEKA U SJEVEROISTOČNOJ BOSNI POSLIJE DRUGOG SVJETSKOG RATA, S AKCENTOM NA OSNIVANJE I RAD NARODNE BIBLIOTEKE U TUZLI U PERIODU 1945 – 1953. GODINE // ESTABLISHMENT OF LIBRARIES IN THE NORTH-EAST BOSNIA AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR, WITH FOCUS ON THE WORK OF NATIONAL LIBRARY IN TUZLA BETWEEN 1945 AND 1953. , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
Cultural policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War was aimed at strengthening the network of cultural, scientific and other institutions. Libraries had an important place within institutions. The new government helped build libraries and provided them with material resources. A large number of professional and special libraries of different rank and significance have been established. By establishing libraries after the Second World War, efforts were made to encourage the interest of the population in the book, and this was achieved by using various ways of agitating and popularizing libraries. Libraries began to be established in all places in northeastern Bosnia where conditions existed. Opening of city, town and local public libraries. Libraries and reading rooms were closely linked to the literacy of the population. As one of the more active forms of enlightenment, the advantage was that they were accessible to the broadest masses, they did not cost much and could easily be organized and maintained. The work on the opening and renovation of libraries and reading rooms was particularly intense in the aftermath of the Second World War. At that time, libraries were established in all major administrative centers, thus establishing a network of libraries in northeastern Bosnia. On the establishment of libraries in northeastern Bosnia after the Second World War, with the emphasis on the establishment and operation of the National Library in Tuzla, and with which problems and shortcomings they encountered, will be discussed in this paper.
12 ŠKOLSTVO U LUKAVCU U PERIODU 1945-1953. GODINE // EDUCATION IN LUKAVAC IN THE PERIOD 1945-1953. , SEMIR HADŽIMUSIĆ
To present opportunities in Lukavac education in the period 1945-1953. means talking about primary education, first of all about four-year, and later also eight-year elementary schools, for the reconstruction of school facilities, education and training of personnel for the needs of the economy, links between education and culture, and other similar issues. In Lukavac old schools are being rebuilt and new schools are being raised. The inclusion of pupils in elementary education in this period was considerably higher than before. In addition to regular classes, schools participate in organized work on the literacy of the population through analytical courses. The school becomes the center of both educational and cultural life. The cultural function of the school is particularly prominent in rural areas, where educational workers were the main bearers of the cultural life of the village.
13 POLITIČKA STRADANJA PROFESORA SALIHA BUREKA 70-tih GODINA PROŠLOG STOLJEĆA // POLITICAL CONDEMNATIONS OF PROFESSOR SALIH BUREK DURING 1970s , KADRIJA HODŽIĆ
Salih Burek is one of the most respected economists in B&H, a professor and economic thinker of the Tuzla region from the late 50s to the early 1970s. Due to critical approaches to the party leadership of the Tuzla basin and the development of the contradicted economic concepts of the development of the chemical industry in Tuzla, it is strongly politically discredited and removed from public life. Politically-designed police accusations are classified as so-called Tuzla group, which in the mid-1970s was at the center of the biggest political affair in the socialist times of Tuzla and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole. Burek was the closest associate of Pashaga Mandzic, the hero of the revolution and the most important political figure of Tuzla of that time, proclaimed the leader of the so-called Tuzla Group. In the structure of the assembled political and police-judicial incrimination of Pasaga Mandzic and Tuzla group consisted literally of all ideological and political hostilities that existed at the time against socialism and socialist self-government in Yugoslavia. The interweaving of the fate of Salih Burek and Pasaga Mandzic and the common political suffering will make their biographies almost inseparable. By a judgment of the District Court in Tuzla (1975), he was sentenced to six years in prison in Zenica. After exiting from prison (1981), he again dedicated himself as a scientific associate of the Economic Institute in Tuzla to the improvement of the economic development of the Tuzla area.
14 DISOLUCIJA SFRJ I OBNOVA NEZAVISNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE NA STRANICAMA LISTA „OSLOBOĐENJE“ // DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE RENEWAL OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA'S INDEPENDENCE ON THE PAGES OF „OSLOBOĐENJE“ , OMER ZULIĆ
The author of the paper deals with the research and study of the process of the dissolution of the former SFRY, and the restoration of the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the pages of the daily newspaper Oslobodjenje. Namely, important lexical sources relevant to the study of historical processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina are available in the Oslobodjenje paper, which monitored and brought news about the process of the dissolution of the SFRY, and the restoration of the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, the aim of the paper is to investigate the atmosphere and the environment in which the changes were taking place, as was the case in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as was the reaction of the then side, but also the domestic, political and other public. In this way, one more complete picture of everyday life in Bosnia and Herzegovina is to be given in these fateful moments of its millennial existence and specialties.
15 POLITIČKE PRILIKE NA PODRUČJU TUZLANSKE REGIJE PRED AGRESIJU NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU // POLITICAL OPPORTUNITIES IN THE TUZLA REGION BEFORE AGRESIA IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1992-1995. , SEAD OMERBEGOVIĆ, IZET HADŽIĆ
Political circumstances are the result of the action of political factors, the power structures in one space. In this paper, we look at the political situation in one region - a smaller area that is affected by political conflicts in the wider region. More precisely, the paper presents political options, generators of political circumstances in the Tuzla region until the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina in April 1992.
16 STRADANJE BOŠNJAKA U PROTEKLOM RATU NA PODRUČJU SUĆESKE U OPĆINI SREBRENICA // THE SUFFERING OF BOSNIAKS IN THE RECENT WAR IN THE AREA OF  SUĆESKA IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF SREBRENICA , ALIJA SULJIĆ, AMIR HALILOVIĆ, NUSRET HODŽIĆ
The anthropogeographical development of the settlement in the area of Sućeskaa was similar to the corresponding development in other settlements of the municipality of Srebrenica and under the influence of general socio-economic and political circumstances that marked the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the municipality of Srebrenica in the late 19th and 20th centuries. Certain socio-geographical features of the development of the Sućeska region can be traced through statistical data obtained by the official censuses of the B&H population from 1879 to 1991 and 2013 respectively. Changes in the overall population movement and changes in the biological, economic and educational structure of the population were carried out in accordance with appropriate processes in the Srebrenica municipality. Significant changes in the economic and educational structure of the population have occurred in the last two decades of the 20th century. However, the normal demographic development of Sućeske's area was interrupted by brutal aggression against an independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and a genocide in which a large number of Bosniaks from this region were killed. Almost 25 years after the Dayton Peace Agreement in the Sućeska region, about 20% of the total number of pre-war people live, and these are mostly older women, while the rest of Sucescani is displaced in the municipalities of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the world.
17 PRIKAZ // REVIEW Smail Čekić, Vahid Karavelić, Nedžad Ajnadžić, Selmo Cikotić, Šefko Hodžić, Muhamed Smajić, Mesud Šadinlija, PRVI KORPUS ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, Sarajevo 2017, 494 str. , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
18 PRIKAZ // REVIEW Sead Selimović, Izet Šabotić, DRUGI KORPUS ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE 1992 – 1995, Tuzla 2017, 574 str. , SEMIR HADŽIMUSIĆ, JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
19 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “ZNAMENITE LIČNOSTI U HISTORIJI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE”, Tuzla, 16 – 17. novembar 2017. godine , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
20 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa tribine „REFERENDUM ZA NEZAVISNOST REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE – 26 godina poslije“, Tuzla, 28. februar 2018. godine   , AMIR KRPIĆ
21 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa okruglog stola “HISTORIJSKI ZNAČAJ PRIJEMA REPUBLIKE BOSNE I I HERCEGOVINE U ČLANSTVO ORGANIZACIJE UJEDINJENIH NACIJA – 26 godina poslije”, Tuzla, 15. decembar 2018. godine , ADNAN TINJIĆ
22 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA // ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA   , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
23 HADŽI  HUSEJN EFF. ĐOZIĆ RUHI KADIJA IZ SREBRENICE I NIKŠIČKI NAIB // HAJI HUSEIN EFF. ĐOZIĆ RUHI JUDGE FROM SREBRENICA AND NIKŠIĆ VICEROY , ADIB ĐOZIĆ
There are many forgotten significant persons in Bosnian-Bosniak history, who through their knowledge and work made a significant contribution to the development of Bosnian society and the Bosniak national identity in the time and place they lived in. The most forgotten significant Bosniaks are those who lived and worked during the reign of the Ottoman state of Bosnia. One of such persons is Hadji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi, kadi (judge) from Srebrenica and Nikšić naib (viceroy). He lived in Srebrenica in the 19th century. Educated in Istanbul, he worked for as a judge in three towns and two empires. In this paper, we are talking about Haji Husein eff. Đozić, his life and work, and the significance of the documents preserved, to understand Bosnian society and the position of Bosnians in the second half of the 19th century in Srebrenica and Nikšić.
24 NEDOVRŠENA PROŠLOST U VRTLOZIMA BALKANIZACIJE: REFLEKSIJE „ISTOČNOG PITANJA“ U HISTORIJSKOJ PERSPEKTIVI // INCOMPLETE PAST IN THE WHIRLWIND OF BALKANIZATION: REFLECTIONS OF „EASTERN ISSUE“ IN THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
The past and present are inseparable, "holding hands". Breakthrough epochs always influence re-thinking of the perpetrator. Everything that happened has more perspective. The dramatic flows of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans, even in Bosnia and Herzegovina, can not be universally perceived as separate from the wider European / global context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of extreme interest logic, deosmanization and balkanization models. Long-term processes outperform different time periods and spatial boundaries. In them appearances, mental circles and ideologies are slowly changing. This also applies to the content of the relief sections of the "Eastern Question" and its sleeves, whose controversial paradigms, along with policy and instrumentalized science, transcend the boundaries of the centuries and continents. The view that Muslims are "aliens" in Europe is part of a mentality known and under his mask. What is known to the foreign public, especially in the "Western world", is known about the "Ottoman Balkans" and Muslims, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniaks, which presents serious doctrine, but also what produces quasi-narratives and tendentious publications has never been insignificant. Each historiography is a product of one's own time, whose interests often determine not only questions that, especially influential scientists, set a complex past, but also answers, resisting its different perceptions. Prejudices and negative stereotypes, whose powerful social crisis generators and wars, immune to counter-arguments arising from opposing experiences and knowledge, articulate and uncritically articulate into historiographical interpretations. The truth to which it strives is a "whole" is not in one place and in the historiography of one nation, it requires a multiperspectival narrative.
25 DEMOGRAFSKE PROMJENE NAKON BERLINSKOG KONGRESA (1878) U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI // DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES AFTER BERLIN CONGRESS (1878) IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA , ZEĆIR RAMČILOVIĆ
The Berlin Congress in 1878 ended the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but above all the revision of the San Stefano peace treaty in order to prevent the spread of Russian influence in the Balkans. Austria - Hungary has been given the mandate to occupy and manage Bosnia and Herzegovina. The planned peaceful occupation was oppressed by the people, and the Austro-Hungarian army was given fierce resistance. Nevertheless, Bosnia is occupied with a large number of forces, but also civilian casualties. Official reports state that Austro-Hungary fulfilled the conditions that it bargained in Berlin, but the reality after the occupation was different from that which was found on the paper. The new administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina has made deep and radical changes in the socio - political system, but above all in the lives of ordinary people. The transition of a society that was going on very slowly and complicated had far-reaching consequences, especially on demographic trends in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographic changes after 1878 were the result of several factors, primarily the establishment of a new government, a new legal order, a cultural and social transition, and the reorganization of religious life. The centuries-old and, to the greatest extent, the privileged position of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire was changed to the province of the dual monarchy with the supreme military administrator. The nation was not given the right to participate in the governance of its own country. Every change was pronounced and most often at the expense of the domicile majority Bosniak population. The fact that this period, as in the past, today has a great interest in studying from different points of view, I would like to give a brief review of the demographic changes that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after its occupation.
26 BRIGA ZA NAROD U DIJASPORI DO LATENTNOG SUKOBA SA DOMICILNIM NARODOM – AKTUALIZACIJA PROŠLOSTI NA SADAŠNJOST U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI // CARE FOR PEOPLE IN DIASPORA UP TO A LATENT CONFLICT WITH THE DOMICILE NATION – UPDATING THE PAST TO THE PRESENT OF  BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA , IVAN BALTA
The beginning of the 19th and the 20th century marked the period of nations’ constitution in southeastern Europe and greater care for nations’ oases living out of their parent nations. Sometimes that care turned into intended or unintended hegemony over other nations. This phenomenon is actual even today in various nations, especially in the Balkans, so it is interesting how "the care of the people out of their home country" (nowadays people would say "diaspora"), implemented various "actions" that were sometimes politically conducted from the Austro-Hungarian centres of power to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, especially in the case of the Hungarian government's pro-government project "Julian Action".So-called Julian Action was not unique at that time, neither it was the only, nor the first or special, but it can be somewhat comparable to the same work methodology in the same regions, for example, with the similar German project Schulvereine, the Italian action by Dante Alighieri, and even to not so significant Slavic action of the Cyril and Methodius societies, as well as to some other less-known "actions" that operated abroad, i.e. mainly outside the home countries, on the territory of Austria-Hungary. The opposite views were mostly manifested in the interpretation of justification, e. g. of Julian Action (which got the prosaic name). For instance, the Hungarian side (similar to German, Italian ... through their associations), justified the action of the association "Julian" by the care of its own people outside the borders of the home state (in order to preserve identity, culture and language). On the contrary, the Croatian (and also Bosnian-Herzegovinian,…) side in the activity of the "Julian" organization recognized a sort of political alienation and Hungarization (or Germanization, Italianization, ...) of the majority of domicile population. The Hungarian Julian campaign was conducted on the basis of: A) Statute of the Julian Society, (voted in 1903), and B) Hungarian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Croatian-Slavonic-Dalmatian laws. For example, the Hungarian Julian Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia could be founded, organized and act not only on the basis of the applicable Hungarian laws, but also on the basis of the school laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, which allowed and even encouraged the organization of public and private schools, rural and wilderness schools (e. g. through Hungarian Julian schools), factory schools (e. g. Hungarian state railway schools), confessional schools (e. g. Hungarian reformatory schools), which opened a wide area of the Hungarian Julian Action operation from 1904 in Croatia and Slavonia, and from the 1908 occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A vast majority of pupils were of non-German nationality, and they were enrolled there because of better conditions, employment opportunities in enterprises, state and public services, as well as because of future education. Hungarian schools and Hungarian railways, as well as Hungarian churches and societies in Croatia and Slavonia, existed in the second half of the 19th century. They had the purpose of implementing the so-called Hungarian State Thought (Magyar Állami eszme), which had been politically instrumentalized. Since 1904 until the end of the First World War they put the so-called Julian action into their systems and programmes. Almost identical relationship had existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1908. There were constant conflicts between the state of Hungary and Julian campaign with the majority of Slavic population outside of Hungary, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Julian campaign was politically instrumentalized because of “taking care of its people in diaspora", and in some parts crossed the boundaries of "preserving" them, it began with "unintentional" assimilation through schools, railways and cultural societies. So it necessarily had to come into conflict with other nations. From the Hungarian point of view, the so-called "Bosnian Action" and "Slavonic Action" of the Hungarian Government were directed towards the care of Hungarians in the so-called "affiliated" and annexed province, as well as to strengthening and expansion of Hungarian influence in the countries where the majority of population were Muslims-Bosnians, Serbs and Croats. The same action ranged from the accusation of "Hungarianization” to the theory of the Hungarians threatened by assimilation; however, the action did not achieve a long-term goal and did not prove permanent because, after the end of the First World War, a small group of Hungarians in the newly established countries did not have any legal guarantees, and new authorities did not ensure its survival.
27 UTICAJ ČASOPISA PREGLED NA DRUŠTVENI I KULTURNI ŽIVOT BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE KROZ PISANJE O AGRARNOJ PROBLEMATICI 1910-1913. // THE IMPACT OF MAGAZINE PREGLED ON SOCIAL AND CULTURAL LIFE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, BY WRITING ON AGRARIAN ISSUES IN THE PERIOD 1910-1913. , IGOR MIŠKOVIĆ
Newspapers, either daily or periodic, represent a significant source of study on cultural and entertainment life in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The magazine Pregled dealed with social, economic and cultural issues of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through our work, we follow the writings on agrarian issues of the magazine Pregled in the first period of his appearance running from 1910 until 1913. Pregled shows an agrarian issue as a crucial one and consequently apporoaches it from all sides. It follows the agrarian events in other countries of Europe, draws parallels, and eventually gives proposals for the same events in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
28 AGRARNE PRILIKE U SEMBERIJI U PRVOM DESETLJEĆU 20. STOLJEĆA (na osnovu Memoranduma-molbe veleposjednika Osman-bega Pašića iz 1912. godine, upućenog zajedničkom ministru finansija Belinskom) // AGRARIAN SITUATION IN SEMBERIA IN THE FIRST DECADE OF 20th CENTURY (based on the Memorandum-request of landowner Osman-bey Pašić from 1912, sent to the Minister of Finance Bilinski) , IZET ŠABOTIĆ
The paper presents the Memorandum-Request from 1912 by Osman-bey Pašić, a landowner from Bijeljina, addressed to the Minister of Finance of Bilinski. The Memorandum highlighted numerous irregularities and difficulties encountered by Bosniak landowners and Bosniaks in Semberia. Particularly pointed out was the problem of the relationship between serfs (čifčije) and landowners, where the expression of disregard for obligations by serfs, as well as the usurpation of property occurred. In this way, the economic status of landowners has largely diminished. In addition, the security, religious, political and social rights of Bosniaks in this area were significantly compromised. So, the relation of the agas - landowners and serfs was not only of a commercial nature, but also of a national-political one. In such procedures, the authorities of Bijeljina did not function adequately, and in the memorandum minister Bilinski was asked to intervene, in order for the government to start acting. This document is only one of documents confirming all the complexity and stratification of agrarian relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina during this period, which were particularly complex in the area of Semberija.
29 TRAGOM PISANE RIJEČI VJERSKE INTELIGENCIJE BOŠNJAKA U AUSTROUGARSKOM RAZDOBLJU I NJIHOVA PROSVJETITELJSKA ULOGA // WRITTEN WORDS OF BOSNIAK RELIGIOUS INTELIGENTSIA IN AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN PERIOD AND ITS ENLIGHTENING ROLE , EDIN VELADŽIĆ
The paper provides a brief overview of the significance and role of religious intelligence of Bosniaks in the field of affirmation of written texts in the Austro-Hungarian period. An overview of this kind of activity of Bosniak religious intelligence in the Austro-Hungarian period offers us a clearer picture of one important dimension in the process of development of the Bosniak people and challenges of adaptation to the new circumstances in a very turbulent transition period. The "heralds" of the new era, when speaking of the written words of Bosniaks at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, played a significant enlightening role that the previous historical science did not emphasize sufficiently.
30 ATENTAT U SARAJEVU I NJEGOVE REFLEKSIJE NA PODRUČJU HERCEGOVINE // ASSASSINATION IN SARAJEVO AND ITS REFLECTIONS IN THE AREA OF HERZEGOVINA , ADNAN VELAGIĆ
The murder of the Austro-Hungarian crown prince Franco Ferdinand and his wife, Sofia Hohenberg, in Sarajevo in 1914, opened numerous questions and controversies. Opposite conclusions and observations on this issue were elaborated not only by historians, but by politologists, sociologists, psychologists, and others, which was only one of the reasons why many issues in this issue remain in the sphere of controversial answers. It is therefore to be assumed that the giving of the final scientific court, the murder that triggered the world cataclysm, will continue to be the subject of many discussions and controversies. In this paper, the author sought to highlight events from this turbulent time in the Herzegovina region based on archival material, which has not been published so far.
31 ULAZAK BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U KRALJEVINU SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA PREMA PISANJU NARODNOG JEDINSTVA // ENTRANCE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE KINGDOM OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES ACCORDING TO NEWSPAPER „NARODNO JEDINSTVO“ (NATIONAL UNITY) , OMER ZULIĆ
The question of the entry of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Kingdom of the SHS is important to research and study through the columns of the National Unity, the official newsletter of the new national authorities. Although in its first issue it was announced with pomp, it was an independent newsletter, it was everything, but not independently. Namely, this is a school example of the Edict list, which served to glorify the new state of Slovenians, Croats and Serbs, and later to glorify the unification into the Kingdom, that is, first of all, the glorification of the Serbian element in the Kingdom of the SHS. This work follows the information contained in columns from November 4, when the first number of the National Unity was published, until December 26, 1918, or less than two months.
32 U SLUŽBI IDEJE „NARODNOG I DRŽAVNOG JEDINSTVA“: ŠKOLSTVO U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI OD 1918. DO 1929. GODINE // IN THE SERVICE OF THE IDEA OF "NATIONAL AND STATE UNITY": SCHOOL IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FROM 1918 TO 1929 , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
The school system represents one of the most important segments for each state and society. For this reason, and for a number of other reasons, the authorities are trying to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were achieved. The curricula removed contents whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite was spreading the idea of a "three-nation nation", seeking to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Schools were given the task of developing the idea of a common fold and the idea of '' national and national unity ''. The idea, in the view of the ruling elite, could have been realized by schools, not by the army and officials. Teachers who had to respond to the '' spirit of the times '', as well as curricula and textbooks, played an important role in achieving the goals. Significant changes were made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with an emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and works on Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature were prescribed for the school textbook. Most of the textbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.
33 JEDAN POGLED NA ŽIVOT I DJELO AKADEMIKA MUSTAFE KAMARIĆA - Dugogodišnji profesor Pravnog fakulteta u Sarajevu, istaknuti funkcioner Islamske zajednice Bosne i Hercegovine i osnivač Narodne biblioteke u Gračanici // A VIEW OF THE LIFE AND WORK OF THE ACADEMIC MUSTAFA KAMARIĆ - A long-term professor at the Faculty of Law in Sarajevo, a prominent official of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegowina and the founder of the National Library in Gračanica , OMER HAMZIĆ
In this article, the author briefly referred to the life and work of Mustafa Kamarić, an almost forgotten professor at the Faculty of Law in Sarajevo, and the correspondent member of the Academy of Sciences and Art of Bosnia and Herzegovina, born in Gračanica. In the first part of the article, the author writes about Kamarić's youth, education and studies at the Faculty of Law, after which he writes about his employment in Belgrade, where he was in the first ranks of young Bosniak intelligentsia as a cadet, drawing attention not only as an activist, but also as a talented researcher of the then social circumstances and conditions in which the Bosniaks lived. At the same time, he was engaged in the social and cultural life of Gračanica, especially during the summer holidays and shorter excursions to his hometown. Bearing in mind that this theme has been discussed quite a lot so far, this article focuses more on the more mature era of this intellectual, his work at the Law Faculty in Sarajevo, and the contribution to the development of the legal thought, as well as his remarkable engagement in professional and social circles, especially in the highest authorities and bodies of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
34 BOSNA U OSMANISTIČKOM FOKUSU: PARALELE JUGOSLOVENSKOG I POSTJUGOSLOVENSKOG PERIODA // BOSNIA IN FOCUS OF OTTOMAN STUDIES: PARALLELS OF THE YUGOSLAV AND POST-YUGOSLAV PERIOD , RAMIZA SMAJIĆ
More than a quarter of a century after the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state outside of Yugoslavia, a period for a comparative analysis of historiographic results is appropriate. In this paper, attention is devoted to the treatment of Bosnian territory in various social frameworks, financial and personnel capacities, affinities and ideological orientations. Certain areas of scientific work, of course, had a natural sequence of activities, some needed to be adjusted, while approaches and focus in some fields developed completely new forms in the spirit of contemporary osmanism. The planned exhibition is a collection of practical experiences in the field of the Ottoman work in both the Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav periods.
35 OPISMENJAVANJE STANOVNIŠTVA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U PERIODU NARODNOOSLOBODILAČKOG RATA (1941-1945) // LITERARCY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA'S POPULATION IN THE PERIOD OF PEOPLE'S LIBERATION WAR (1941-1945) , SEMIR HADŽIMUSIĆ
The author of the paper presents the state of literacy of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the Second World War, and in particular explains the activities that are conducted with regard to the literacy of the population in the period of the National Liberation War (NOR). Certainly, a special review was given to the presentation of the literacy process of the population, which is an outgrowth for regular primary school education, and on the activities that took place on the occasion of the NOR on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, the literacy of children through attending elementary school, as well as literacy in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the fascist occupation and administration of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), were partly given in order to review the framework state. Bosnia and Herzegovina had a very high percentage of the illiterate population before the Second World War. How fascist occupation, warfare, human and material losses have compounded this picture, and whether during the war, in the liberated areas, adequate methods of working for the literacy of the population were found, the author explains on the pages of this paper.
36 IBRAHIM EF. FEJIĆ - PRVI REISUL-ULEMA U TITOVOJ JUGOSLAVIJI // IBRAHIM EFFENDI FEJIĆ – THE FIRST REIS-UL-ULEMA IN TITO`S YUGOSLAVIA , DENIS BEĆIROVIĆ
Reis Ibrahim effendi Fejić was a man of great intellect, a brave and daring intellectual, a man who unselfishly advocated for public interests, an outstanding scholar of spirituality and tradition in Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was a good philologist and polyglot. He was fluent in Arabic, Turkish and Persian, and he also used German. He was also engaged in publishing, working with many religious and state magazines and newspapers. He was a major supporter of reforms in religious and religious-educational life led by Reis-ul-Ulema Mehmed Džemaludin Čaušević. During the Second World War he committed himself to the National Liberation Movement, actively participating and bravely raising his voice against the crimes and persecution of innocent people no matter what religion or nation they belonged to. Five members of his family even gave their lives in the fight against fascism and for the liberation of the country. He held the Reis-ul-Ulema position in the period between 1947 and 1957, when he retired having reached a ripe old age. Despite the complex historical circumstances after the Second World War, Reis-ul-Ulema Ibrahim effendi Fejić carried out a series of activities aimed at improving the organisational, infrastructural, educational, cultural and religious circumstances within the Islamic community. With regard to emerging opportunities, marked by the narrowing of religious rights and freedoms, Reis Fejić invested a lot of energy and knowledge to preserve the basic functions of the community. Furthermore, he stood out as a tolerant man in his work, who worked on building good-neighbourly relations with other religious communities and preventing revanchism in the post-war period.
37 “GODINA RASPLETA” – JUGOSLAVIJA 1968: studentske demonstracije i tuzlanske reakcije // “YEAR OF RESOLVE” - YUGOSLAVIA 1968: student demonstrations and Tuzla’s reactions , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
The protests that affected the student population in 1968 around the world did not go beyond Yugoslavia. The first Belgrade, and then the students of other Yugoslav universities, launched demonstrations and highlighted the demands for more equitable relations in society. Student demonstrations in Yugoslavia that erupted in June 1968, were a series of public demonstrations and strikes and other protest actions that took place at universities in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis on demonstrations of students from the Belgrade University. The year 1968 is a symbol of revolution and historical change in society, and student revolutionary mood, mini-revolution, demonstrations, riots and dissatisfaction spread from the United States to Europe, and from Paris through Prague to Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana and Sarajevo. Student dissatisfaction was initiated by the inefficiency of the implementation of economic and social reform, and the decline in the standard of living not only of the broader strata of society, which had a negative impact on the student population. During the student mini-revolution, they were trying to gain for their ideals the working class, convincing them in equal interests and the only way to the desired goal, but without success. In this connection, this paper seeks to draw on the basis of the press (Oslobodjenje and Front Freedom) and letters and telegrams addressed to the Union of Students of the Belgrade University to demonstrate that the employees of the company and mine in the Tuzla region reacted to these student demonstrations in Belgrade, then the schools, college students and others. By holding a meeting of working collectives, choirs, then sending letters and telegrams, they condemned the actions of students, but also gave full support to Tito in building a self-managing socialist society.
38 POLITIČKI ZEMLJOTRES U SR BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NAKON OKTOBRA 1969. GODINE. ODNOS REPUBLIČKOG I SAVEZNOG RUKOVODSTVA POČETKOM 1970-tih GODINA // THE POLITICAL EARTHQUAKE IN THE SR BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AFTER OKTOBER 1969. THE RELATION OF THE REPUBLICAN AND FEDERAL LEADERSHIP IN THE EARLY 1970s. , DŽENITA SARAČ-RUJANAC
On October 26 and 27, 1969, a devastating earthquake hit Banja Luka and fourteen neighbouring municipalities. The reconstruction of the affected area will become a very important issue causing a kind of earthquake in the relations of Bosnia and Herzegovina's leadership with the Federal Government and the other republics. In the early 1970s, the whole complexity of multi-year struggle for the equal status and treatment of the Republic in the Federation was reflected in it. In the paper, we track the multi-month negotiations overthe funding sources, the contribution of the Federation and the other republics in the construction and renovation of the Bosanska Krajina (the Bosnian Frontier) and we also indicate the political consequences of this natural disaster.
39 MIGRACIJE MUSLIMANA IZ ZAPADNE BOSNE NA PODRUČJE BANIJE I KORDUNA U SOCIJALISTIČKOM PERIODU I VJERSKO ORGANIZIRANJE VJERNIKA ISLAMSKE VJEROISPOVJESTI U SISKU I NA KORDUNU // MUSLIMS MIGRATIONS FROM WESTERN BOSNA TO THE BANIJA AND KORDUN AREA IN THE SOCIALIST PERIOD AND THE RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION OF MUSLIMS IN SISAK AND KORDUN , FILIP ŠKILJAN
Muslims began to arrive in the area of Sisak and Kordun in a larger number only in the sixties of the twentieth century. Most of them came to Sisak from the West Bosnian municipalities of Bosanski Novi, Bosanska Krupa, Cazin, Velika Kladusa, Prijedor, Bosanska Dubica, while they came to Kordun mainly from the areas of Velika Kladusa and Cazin. Displacement into an urban center like Sisak in a labor camp in Capraga was a completely different character since settling in the rural zone between the Black Stream and Katinovec in the north and the Masina in the south (more than 50 kilometers distance). Sisak-based workers from western Bosnia came to Sisak for employment, while the Greater Cold and Cazin Muslims settled in Kordun mainly due to overpopulation in the zones in which they lived. The life rhythms of each other differed greatly. Metallurgical workers had permanent incomes, lived in specially built buildings mixed with other workers to those who had other religions and nationalities. The standard of living for all the workers in Caprago was much more equal, and despite religious and national differences, immigrant children entered national and religious mixed marriages. In contrast, the Cordon Muslims lived in very closed communities that remained religious and nationally homogeneous. This group, scattered in ten villages and hamlets at a distance and several kilometers from each other, lived mainly from agriculture and livestock, and individuals worked in Slovenia, Austria and Germany while their families lived in Kordun villages. Most of the Muslims who worked abroad were able to earn enough money to build houses not far from their home villages in a given period and thus maintain ties with friends and relatives and have the opportunity to create their own economy. Being engaged in farming and livestock farming, these Muslims lived, according to their own perception, in a fertile land from the land in the Cazin region. There is another big difference between Sisacki and Kordun Muslims. For the last war (1991-1995), the Kordun Muslims experienced an exodus, most often in their native places in western Bosnia, and they mobilized into various armies (from the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the 'grandmother' to the army of the Republic of Srpska Krajina and the Croatian Army ). Some of them, due to circumstances in which they found themselves during the war in several armies, and those who escaped or were expelled in 1991 captured the stolen, destroyed and burnt property when they returned after Operation Storm in 1995. By contrast, the Muslims of Sisak and its surroundings were very often Croatian volunteers and participated in the defense of their places of residence (eg Mošćenica) and other settlements in Banija and Croatia. Due to their religious and national affiliation, some of them had problems in the Croatian Army, and many did not exercise their rights as Croatian defender in the post-war period. After the war, the Kordun community increased by influx of new Muslims and high natural increase, while the Sisak community largely stagnated stagnated, and has recently been somewhat reduced due to the complete collapse of Sisak Ironworks, or the departure of younger persons abroad to work.
40 UTJECAJ RATA U HRVATSKOJ NA ZBIVANJA U BOSANSKOJ KRAJINI 1991. GODINE // THE INFLUENCE OF WAR IN CROATIA TO EVENTS IN BOSANSKA KRAJINA DURING 1991. , JASMIN MEDIĆ
The author analyzes the impact of war events in Croatia on national relations in the Bosnian Krajina in 1991. The Serbian autonomous region of Krajina (later the Republic of Srpska Krajina) in Croatia and the Autonomous Region of Krajina (ARK) in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina were the first to form autonomous areas according to the ethnic principle in the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia as formal-legal successors of the communities of municipalities. The narrow military and political cooperation, the issue of mobilizing the population of the Bosnian Krajina in the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) and the problem of refugees, significantly influenced national relations in this part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
41 ETNIČKO ČIŠĆENJE BOŠNJAČKOG STANOVNIŠTVA 1992-1995. (metodi, pravci, statistički pokazatelji) // ETHNIC CLEANSING OF BOSNIAK POPULATION 1992-1995. (methods, directions, statistical indicators) , SENIJA MILIŠIĆ
Aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina marked the last decade of the 20th century. Aggression was carried out by Serbia and Montenegro in order to realize the project of creating a "Greater Serbia". Since the preparation of the aggression was in progress, the agreement was reached between the Serbian and Croatian leaders on the division of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the goal, as they said, the definitive solution of the Serbo-Croatian issue, and in the essence of rounding up "their big states" to the account of Bosnia and Herzegovina it is to aggression both from the east and from the west. Aggression was also supported by traitors from Bosnia as well. Aggression resulted in the occupation of a large part of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the goal was fully realized, the Bosniak population was eliminated. A part of the population was killed, a part was imprisoned in the camps, and a part expelled. The expulsion meant saving only the bare life and leaving the entire property to the aggressor. All the property was looted, and after that, the aggressor tried to destroy everything that could testify that the Bosniaks lived there (from cemeteries to religious buildings). So it was about ethnic cleansing carried out by doing all kinds of crimes, including genocide. In the expulsion operation or to use the euphemism of displacement (that is, the "human migration of the population", as the aggressor called it), the International community was implicated through some of its organizations (Red Cross, UNHCR, etc.). The expelled population in the first phase ended in territory controlled by the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH), and after that part was moved to the so-called " third country”. In very rare cases, the prisoners detained in the camps, if they declared that they would go to third countries immediately, were moved from the camp in accelerated procedure. The idea was that the Bosniak population had to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this way, more than 70% of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was "cleared" from Bosniaks. In this paper, we will focus on ethnic cleansing (displacement), methods and directions of displacement, and on statistical indicators of the number of displaced persons.
42 GRANIČNI SPOROVI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE SA REPUBLIKOM HRVATSKOM // BORDER DISPUTES BETWEEN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA , SEAD OMERBEGOVIĆ, IZUDIN ŠARIĆ
Bosnia and Herzegovina has been fighting for centuries through centuries in order to remain a unique, complete, independent and sovereign state. Throughout its many years of history, the various rulers who shared, appropriated, gave and took parts of its territory without any consequences were replaced in its territory. Following the independence referendum held on February 29 and March 1, 1992, the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina followed on 6 April 1992 by the European Community (EC) in its existing borders. On June 30, 1999, Bosnia and Herzegovina signed the Border Agreement with the Republic of Croatia, but it has never been ratified by the Croatian Parliament or by the Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliament. When it comes to the territorial demarcation of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the neighboring countries, the opinion of the Badinter Arbitration Commission of the Conference on Yugoslavia, which defined the boundaries of delimitation based on some rules of international law, is important. In this regard, it is necessary to point out the legal significance of Opinion no. 3. Arbitration commissions which read: "The borders between former federal units are considered to be the borders of the successor states, and can not be changed by force, but only by agreement". The principle of "uti possidetis" can serve as a basis for defining the land borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina with neighboring countries. The gaining of Bosnia and Herzegovina's independence and its international recognition has sparked an interest in the issue of identification, that is, determining its land borders with neighboring countries, as well as the sea delineation with the Republic of Croatia. The international recognition of new states implies clearly and undoubtedly the limits of its sovereignty.
43 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Senaid Hadžić, PRIMJERI SUŽIVLJENJA: BILJEŠKE O TUZLANSKOM KRAJU U 19. STOLJEĆU, Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Društvo arhivskih zaposlenika Tuzlanskog kantona, Tuzla 2017, 467 str. , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
44 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Izet Šabotić, ČIFČIJSKI ODNOSI I PROMJENA VLASNIŠTVA NAD ZEMLJOM U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1878-1918), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 320 str. , AMIR KRPIĆ
45 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Damir Bošnjaković, TOJŠIĆI OD SREDNJEG VIJEKA DO 1958. GODINE, Knjiga Prva, Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, JU Bosanski kulturni centar „Alija Izetbegović“ Kalesija, Tuzla 2018, 189 str. , OMER ZULIĆ
46 PRIKAZ/REVIEW NA MARGINI POVIJESTI, Edicija Zbornici, knjiga 5, Udruženje za modernu historiju Sarajevo, Sarajevo 2018, 181 str. , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
47 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Adnan Jahić, MUSLIMANSKO ŽENSKO PITANJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1908-1950), Bošnjačka nacionalna zajednica za Grad Zagreb i Zagrebačku županiju, Zagreb 2017, 552 str. , ADNAN TINJIĆ
48 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Fikret Karčić, PRAVNO-HISTORIJSKE STUDIJE, Centar za napredne studije, Sarajevo 2016, 192 str. , SEAD BANDŽOVIĆ
49 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa NAUČNE MANIFESTACIJE „HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI“, Tuzla, 8. i 9. novembar 2018. godine , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
50 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA U 2018. GODINI // ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA IN 2018. , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
51 RATOVI I TOKOVI DEOSMANIZACIJE BALKANA (1912-1923) // WARS AND WAYS OF DEOSMANIZATION OF THE BALKANS (1912-1923) , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).
52 PROPADANJE I UZURPACIJA IMOVINE BAKIR-BEGA TUZLIĆA // DESTRUCTION AND USURPATION OF BAKIR-BEG TUZLIC'S PROPERTY , IZET ŠABOTIĆ
The paper discusses the probate and the procedure of liquidation of debts, and the usurpation of peasant settlements of deceased Bakir-beg Tuzlic. The process of liquidation of debts was conducted before the District Sharia Court in Tuzla. Bakir-beg Tuzlic was the last descendant of the captain and bey family Tuzlic, who as a landowner played a significant role in the economic and political life of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian rule. This is a time with many temptations for the entire population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and especially for Bosniaks, who did not accept the fact that they fell under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. For this reason, a number of other problems arose. Bosniak landowners were particularly dissatisfied with their status, although they were politically privileged to some extent by the Austro-Hungarian authorities. The biggest problem, however, was the constant attack on their estates by the peasants, who sought the opportunity to occupy peasants and bay’s lands, to which the bey's landowners opposed. Nevertheless, the process of buying and usurping the lands took place throughout the Austro-Hungarian administration, which greatly weakened the bey's class economically. The attempt to economically stabilize the beys required taking loans that were unfavorable from the aspect of high interest rates, which additionally brought this class into an unenviable economic and political position. Such was the case with Bakir-beg Tuzlic, one of the largest landowners in Bosnia and Herzegovina and a representative of Bosniaks in political life during that period. Such a situation was especially visible, after his death in 1910, and the conduct of the procedure of liquidation of debts and redemption of the cift (land) of the deceased Bakir-beg Tuzlic. The stated debts and the decline of the property of Bakir-beg Tuzlic are a confirmation of the economic weakening and unsustainability of the landowner, bey class in the Austro-Hungarian period. After the death of Bakir-beg Tuzlic, his property and lands were decimated, which brought his heirs to an unenviable economic position and status.
53 BOŠNJAČKE FAMILIJE NASELJA LJESKOVIK U DRUGOJ POLOVINI 19. STOLJEĆA // BOSNIAC FAMILIES OF THE SETTLEMNTS OF LJESKOVIK IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY , ALIJA SULJIĆ, HASIB HASANOVIĆ, ENEZ OSMANOVIĆ
  The forming process of the modern Bosniac families in Ljeskovik settlement started at the beginning of the 17th century, and lasted till the end of the 19th century. However, the whole process can be tracked down from the mid 19th century, covered with data collected during the first census in Bosnia from 1850/51, and according to the informations gethered from land books of the Srebrenica District from 1894 andfrom there onwards. The first census from 1850/51 considered only male population. From the data collected in 1850/51, there are seven families or surnames in Ljeskovik, and those are: Čaušević, Duraković, Hodžić, Jahčić, (Bihačić), Kamramović, Mahmudović, Omerović, and Tabaković. By the end of the 19th century according to land books of the cadastral district of Ljeskovik, there are 43 surnames, or family names recorded: Aganović, Avdić, Beširović, Buljubašić, Demirović, Dervišević, Džanić, Efendić, Halilović, Hasanović (Duraković), Hasanović (Vranjkovina), Hasić, Hodžić, Husić, Kreševljaković, Mahmutović, Malović, Mandžić, Mehanović, Mehmedović, Memić, Mujčinović, Mujić, Mujić (Mahmutović), Mustafić, Mustafi (Katanić), Numanović, Omerović, Osmanović, Salkić, Salihović, Selimović, Selmanagić, Sinanović, Smajić (Omerović), Smajlović (Čaušević), Softić, Suljić, Špiodić, Tabaković, Travničanin, i Zukić. This work covers only families that use to live in Ljeskovik in the second half of the 19th century.
54 OBRAZOVNE PRILIKE U HERCEGOVINI ZA VRIJEME KRALJEVINE SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA (1918-1929) // EDUCATIONAL SITUATION IN HERZEGOVINA DURING THE PERIOD OF KINGDOMS OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES (1918-1929) , ADNAN VELAGIĆ
In the first years of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of SHS), the educational situation in Herzegovina was very bad. The low level of literacy (in some areas over 90%) and the small number of educational institutions, gave a negative picture, which was further complicated by the incompetence and slowness of the state administration. From the mid-1920s, the situation began to change. The construction of schools and literacy through course teaching were significant, but still insufficient steps to solve all the accumulated problems in this area. Based on unpublished sources and relevant literature, the paper discusses the state of the school system in Herzegovina, during the first period of monarchist Yugoslavia (1918-1929).
55 O POKUŠAJIMA ORGANIZOVANJA I DJELOVANJA POLITIČKE EMIGRACIJE CRNE GORE U CARIGRADU NAKON SMRTI KRALJA NIKOLE (1921) // ORGANIZATION AND ACTIVITIES OF MONTENEGRO’S POLITICAL EMIGRATION OF IN CONSTANTINOPLE AFTER DEATH OF KING NIKOLA (1921) , ŠERBO RASTODER
The paper treats one important issue for Montenegrin historiography, which refers to the Montenegrin emigration and its activities in Constantinople, after the death of King Nikola in 1921. Based on hitherto unpublished historical sources, the paper presents numerous details related to the activities of the Montenegrin emigration, which was relocated to Italy until the death of King Nikola, and after that the largest number of emigrants moved to Constantinople. These are political emigrants who did not accept the loss of independence of Montenegro, after the Pogorica Assembly in 1918, and did not agree with the policy of the new state of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In this regard, the paper presents very interesting and diverse activities of Montenegrin emigration, and gives a clear picture of their commitment to Montenegro, its statehood and independence, and through their political activities and life in Constantinople.
56 „TURSKI PARAGRAF“ VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA (1921): DOMETI I OGRANIČENJA // „TURKISH PARAGRAPH“ OF THE VIDOVDAN CONSTITUTION (1921): SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS , SEAD BANDŽOVIĆ
Among the major consenquences of the World War I, besides huge destructions and human casualties, disappearance of old empires (Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, Rusian and German) and emerge of new states in Europe under international influence can be mentioned. In December 1918 State of Croats, Serbs and Slovenians had united with Kingdom of Serbia and formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (later renamed in Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929). Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a part of this Kingdom, changed its political subjectivity in few phases which was a result of political processes and  internal conflicts of Serbian, Croatian and other politicians. In this paper the focus is put on the Vidovdan Constitution, its promulgation with special review of Article Nr. 135 of this Constitution also known as Turkish Article. This Article managed to preserve teritorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians until 1924. when, according to the other provisions of the Constitution, the process of govermnent establishing had finished and the new centralised governing sistem came into power.
57 ISKORIŠTAVANJE I UNIŠTAVANJE PRIVREDE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U DRUGOM SVJETSKOM RATU // EXPLOITATION AND DESTRUCTION OF ECONOMY BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
Bosnia and Herzegovina was a distinctly agrarian country before World War II. As many as 84.10% of the population lived from agriculture, forestry and fishing. From industry, mining and crafts, 6.70% lived, trade, loans and traffic 3.10%, public services, the liberal professions and the military 3.60%, and other occupations 2.50% population. In World War II, Bosnia and Herzegovina suffered enormous human and material losses. The economy was almost completely destroyed. During the war, 130 major industrial enterprises and 24 mines, 95 sawmills that had 209 gaters were destroyed or damaged, and almost all traffic communications. Most of the agricultural inventory was destroyed and the livestock stock reduced by more than 70%. The school buildings were also spared no destruction. As many as 904, out of 1,043 school buildings, were destroyed and ineligible for teaching. Economic goods destroyed and exploited all military formations, but most of all the German and Italian armies.
58 DRŽAVNA POLITIKA „DIFERENCIJACIJE“ SVEŠTENIKA SRPSKE PRAVOSLAVNE CRKVE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1945-1963) // STATE POLICY OF ”DIFFERENTIATION“ OF PRIESTS OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1945-1963) , DENIS BEĆIROVIĆ
  Addressing the issue of the state policy of separating the "loyal" from the "disloyal" priests of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1945 to 1963 is one of the most neglected issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina's historiography.  In this paper, based on unpublished historical sources and available literature, the author contextualises the political circumstances of the state policy of differentiation of the "positive" from the "reactionary" priests of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing to the motives and policy-makers of such a policy, and analyses its manifestation and effects.  Furthermore, the author separately analyses the causes, motives and flow of the policy of granting state honours and decorations to individual priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
59 OSNIVANJE I DJELATNOST DOMOVA KULTURE I NARODNIH UNIVERZITETA U SJEVEROISTOČNOJ BOSNI U PRVIM GODINAMA “NOVE JUGOSLAVIJE” // ESTABLISHMENT AND ACTIVITY OF CULTURE CENTERS AND PEOPLE'S UNIVERSITIES IN NORTHEASTERN BOSNIA IN THE FIRST YEARS OF „NEW YUGOSLAVIA“ , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
Cultural and educational work after the Second World War in northeastern Bosnia, in addition to cultural, educational and artistic societies, took place in various cultural institutions, where cultural centers and public universities stand out. The houses of culture, in cooperation with societies, universities and various cultural and educational sections, organized events, lectures and various cultural and educational contents. Their importance was especially pronounced in the smaller rural areas of northeastern Bosnia, where they were the center of cultural and educational work. People's universities, as cultural and educational institutions, were supposed to nurture scientific and lecturing work, and to politically enlighten the population of urban and rural areas of northeastern Bosnia through various lectures. In essence, public universities were public schools in which ideologically appropriate lectures with various topics were mostly held and they played a significant role in the creation of a socialist society. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to point out the role and importance of the establishment of these cultural and educational institutions in northeastern Bosnia, and their overall contribution to the cultural and educational awareness of the population of northeastern Bosnia.
60 OSNIVANJE I POČETAK DJELOVANJA KULTURNOG DRUŠTVA BOŠNJAKA “PREPOROD” U OSIJEKU POSLIJE DRUGOG SVJETSKOG RATA // ESTABLISHMENT AND INITIAL ACTIVITIES OF THE CULTURAL SOCIETY OF BOSNIAKS “PREPOROD” (“REVIVAL”) IN OSIJEK AFTER WORLD WAR II , SEMIR HADŽIMUSIĆ
There are few scientific papers or books written about the establishment and activities of the Cultural Society of Bosniaks (Muslims) "Preporod" in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1945-1949. There are almost no relevant published research on this topic in the historiography of Bosnia and Herzegovina so far. The author explains, based on the primary historical sources, the establishment and initial activities of Preporod’s local committee (board) in Osijek (Croatia) during the first half of 1946. This committee was one of three Preporod’s commitees located outside of Bosnia and Herzegovina
61 JEDAN UNUTARPARTIJSKI SPOR POČETKOM 1970-IH GODINA. SLUČAJ PAŠAGE MANDŽIĆA I TUZLANSKE GRUPE // AN INTRAPARTY DISPUTE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 1970s. THE CASE OF PASAGA MANDZIC AND TUZLA GROUP , DŽENITA SARAČ-RUJANAC
In this paper, the author emphasizes the specific case of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian intraparty dispute in the context of the reconstruction of the republican leaderships in Yugoslavia, the change of “Croatian Spring participants” and “liberals” as well as the so-called “senior cadres” at the beginning of 1970s. Pasaga Mandzic's years-long dispute with the current political leadership in Tuzla and also in the Republic will touch upon various issues, from plans and results of economic and urban development, integration of enterprises, organization and activities of political and party leadership to establishing the "historical truth" about the events throughout the war years 1941 and 1942. Considering the current socio-political discourse, Mandzic will come out very boldly, demanding that it is finally time to "speak openly" about the actual war events, the consequences of Partisan-Chetnik cooperation at the end of 1941, the dominance of the Serb element in the communist leadership and its attitude towards the Bosniaks during the war, but also in the post-war period. The insistence on establishing the "real truth" entailed a revision of the existing image of a "glorious war past", which also raised the question of consistent application of the principles of brotherhood and unity. Ultimately, years of clarification resulted in the political elimination and moral discredit of Pasaga Mandzic.
62 DETERMINACIJA NEPRIJATELJA U DIREKTIVAMA GLAVNOG ŠTABA I VRHOVNE KOMANDE VOJSKE REPUBLIKE SRPSKE // DETERMINING THE IDENTITY OF THE ENEMY IN THE DIRECTIVES OF THE MAIN HEADQUARTERS AND THE HIGH COMMAND OF THE ARMY OF REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA , MESUD ŠADINLIJA
Among the numerous open questions of contemporary historiography regarding the breakdown of Yugoslavia and its consequences, the issues connected to the post-Yugoslav wars still cause the most disputes. Even in the case of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, waged from 1992 to 1995, all of the important questions concerning its causes, character and consequences, are still considered open, whereby the dubious interpretative discourses are often constructed on the basis of an approach which is founded on the narrowing of the jointly observed historical phenomena. The attempts to construct and legitimize the corresponding particular interpretations of the character of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina through a narrow and selective approach applied in the identifications of the warring sides and their mutual relations are not rare. In such situations the most reliable methodological approach in the framework of historical science is to return the focus from the level of interpretation to the historical sources, their analysis, determining the authenticity and relevance for the collection of issues in question. In this work we will dedicate our attention to the directives of the Main Headquarters and the High Command of the Army of Republic of Srpska issued during 1992-1995 in those parts in which these documents perform the identification and determination of the enemy.
63 FENOMEN APSTINENCIJE U DEMOKRATSKIM IZBORIMA S OSVRTOM NA OPĆE IZBORE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI // PHENOMENON OF ABSTINENCE IN DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS WITH REFERENCE TO THE GENERAL ELECTIONS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA , AMIR AHMETOVIĆ
Abstinence is a conscious and voluntary waiver of one original political right, the right to vote. Often, the very act of abstinence is understood as a kind of election, as an expression of disagreement with political alternatives, candidates and parties participating in the elections. Abstinence is close to the notion of apolitical, that is the disinterest and indifference of citizens, of individuals and groups to politics and participation in the political life of the community. The paper analyzes the difference between abstinence in elections and apoliticality and attempts to point to the problem of increasing abstinence from voting in general elections in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina.
64 POJAM I OBILJEŽJA NASLJEĐIVANJA U RIMSKOM PRAVU // THE CONCEPT AND CHARACTERISTICS OF INHERITANCE IN ROMAN LAW , AJDIN HUSEINSPAHIĆ, ESAD ORUČ
Bosnia and Herzegovina belongs to the circle of countries of the Romano-Germanic legal system, and whose roots go back to the time of the ancient Roman leges regiae. In this paper, we present the concept of the development of inheritance law from the original institutes, which over time became very inefficient. Thus, the original agnatic kinship, which was the main reason for inheriting and constituting legal inheritance orders, was upgraded with cognate kinship even in the period of the development of part-time law. At the same time, both types of kinship existed in parallel, so that the final cognate kinship in the last phase of the development of law would be the only type of kinship that was relevant in inheritance-legal relations. Over time, Roman citizens put pressure on the authorities to enact regulations that would replace inefficient institutions of inheritance law with more efficient and socially acceptable ones. How the authorities in ancient Rome dealt with the legal illogicalities and inefficient institutes by replacing them with more efficient ones is shown in the paper before you.
65 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Prof. dr. Izet Šabotić, ČIFČIJSKI ODNOSI I PROMJENA VLASNIŠTVA NAD ZEMLJOM U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1878-1918), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 320 str. , NADA TOMOVIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Prof. dr. Izet Šabotić, ČIFČIJSKI ODNOSI I PROMJENA VLASNIŠTVA NAD ZEMLJOM U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1878-1918), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 320 str.
66 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Senaid Hadžić, Adnan Velagić, BALKANSKA PRASKOZORJA: OD IDEJĀ DO UJEDINJENĀ. JUGOISTOČNA EVROPA U „DUGOM“ 19. STOLJEĆU (1790-1918), Mostar 2019, 490 str. , AMIR KRPIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Senaid Hadžić, Adnan Velagić, BALKANSKA PRASKOZORJA: OD IDEJĀ DO UJEDINJENĀ. JUGOISTOČNA EVROPA U „DUGOM“ 19. STOLJEĆU (1790-1918), Mostar 2019, 490 str.
67 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Valerijan Žujo, DOKTOR KAREL BAYER, Nacionalna i Univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2020, 178 str. , OMER MERZIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Valerijan Žujo, DOKTOR KAREL BAYER, Nacionalna i Univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2020, 178 str.
68 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Izet Šabotić, ŽIVOT, LJUDI I DOGAĐAJI: Tuzla na razmeđu 19. i 20. stoljeća, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije, Tuzla 2019, 383 str. , HADŽIJA HADŽIABDIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Izet Šabotić, ŽIVOT, LJUDI I DOGAĐAJI: Tuzla na razmeđu 19. i 20. stoljeća, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije, Tuzla 2019, 383 str.
69 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Marko Attila Hoare, BOSANSKI MUSLIMANI U DRUGOM SVJETSKOM RATU, Vrijeme, Zenica 2019, 539 str. , IBRAHIM KABIL
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Marko Attila Hoare, BOSANSKI MUSLIMANI U DRUGOM SVJETSKOM RATU, Vrijeme, Zenica 2019, 539 str.
70 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Salih Jalimam, KULIN. VELIKI BAN BOSNE, Udruženje za zaštitu intelektualnih i kulturnih vrijednosti „Zenica“ Zenica 2019, 249 str. , ADNAN HADŽIABDIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Salih Jalimam, KULIN. VELIKI BAN BOSNE, Udruženje za zaštitu intelektualnih i kulturnih vrijednosti „Zenica“ Zenica 2019, 249 str.
71 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “MIGRACIJE I NJIHOV UTICAJ NA DRUŠTVENA I PRIVREDNA KRETANJA NA ŠIREM PODRUČJU BRČKOG OD POČETKA XVII DO KRAJA XX STOLJEĆA”, Brčko, 13. i 14. septembar 2019. godine , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “MIGRACIJE I NJIHOV UTICAJ NA DRUŠTVENA I PRIVREDNA KRETANJA NA ŠIREM PODRUČJU BRČKOG OD POČETKA XVII DO KRAJA XX STOLJEĆA”, Brčko, 13. i 14. septembar 2019. godine
72       IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “PRAVNE I POLITIČKE POSLJEDICE DEKLARACIJE O PROGLAŠENJU REPUBLIKE SRPSKOG NARODA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE 9. JANUARA 1992. GODINE“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020. godine , ADNAN TINJIĆ
IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “PRAVNE I POLITIČKE POSLJEDICE DEKLARACIJE O PROGLAŠENJU REPUBLIKE SRPSKOG NARODA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE 9. JANUARA 1992. GODINE“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020. godine
73 UTICAJ OMER LUTFI PAŠINIH REFORMI IZ 1851. GODINE NA KADILUK BIHOR//THE INFLUENCE OF THE OMER LUTFI PASHA'S REFORMS FROM 1851. ON KADILUK BIHOR , SAIT Š. ŠABOTIĆ                            
Already with the defeat at Vienna in 1683. the Ottoman court became aware of the need to adapt to the Western world. The necessity of establishing harmonious relations between the Muslim and non-Muslim populations imposed the undertaking of a series of reforms, which came to full expression with the coming to power of Sultan Mahmud II, who created the conditions for the social modernization of the Ottoman Empire. The enactment of Haticerif by Gulhana in 1839, which formally equated Muslim and non-Muslim subjects in rights, opened the door for further reforms that imposed themselves as a historical necessity, and much less as a result of pressure from the great powers. Under the influence of their thinkers, the population of the Ottoman Empire has been emphasizing its demands for the establishment of a regime that would enable a greater degree of democracy and freedom, which would create conditions for freer trade and better education, since Haticerif of Gulhana. A big problem was also the finances that needed to be reformed in a way to achieve productivity. With such demands, Ottoman society embarked on reforms that remained known as the Tanzimat. It was a time when "ruin and progress were tackled", hence the conclusion that it was the "longest life" of the Ottoman Empire. The planned reforms were particularly difficult to implement in the Balkan provinces. The central Ottoman government showed a lot of inability to quell the local uprisings, regardless of whether they were of a social or national character. A major obstacle in that process was the interference of European powers, which in that way realized their interests and considered the Balkan states as their sphere of influence. Apart from political issues, the difficult situation was also felt in the field of agriculture. Primitive cattle breeding and traditional agriculture could not provide the conditions for meeting all other living needs, which is why the demands of the broadest strata of the population were aimed at liberalization and removing barriers that could lead to the presence of any dependence, especially from greengrocers.  In addition to the presence of progressive forces, there were also stubborn structures of society in the Ottoman Empire that wanted to preserve the system that was present before the implementation of reforms. Resistance to the use of Tanzimat in the middle of the 19th century was very pronounced in the Ottoman provinces in the Balkans. In that sense, the reactions of the rural population from the area of ​​the kadiluks Bihor and Rožaj were not absent, primarily to the application of certain decisions in the field of agrarian relations. The key measure was the introduction of tithing, which was considered another new tax among the poorer strata. The response to this measure of the central government was an armed uprising that broke out in 1851. in Bihor and the Rožaje region. It was brutally quelled by military units under the command of Omer Lutfi-pasha. The aim of this paper is precisely to present the circumstances in which this revolt took place and to point out its consequences. While the mentioned riots lasted, Omer Lutfi-pasha carried out certain administrative reforms on the territory of the Bosnian eyalet, which also had their reflections in the area of ​​the Bihor kadiluk. With a stronger connection to the Bosnian eyalet, the kadiluk Bihor with Trgovište (Rožaje) will be formed in its next period as an integral part of that area, and in the spirit of the decisions made in Sarajevo as the new seat of the Bosnian vali.
74 POLOŽAJ I NADLEŽNOSTI KADIJE U OSMANSKOM PRAVNOM SISTEMU//THE POSITION AND COMPETENCIES OF QADIS IN OTTOMAN LEGAL SYSTEM , SEAD BANDŽOVIĆ
Qadis were representatives of judicial branch in Ottoman Empire. The origin of this legal institute comes from the early development phase of islamic state – Omeyyad dinasty when the first rulers and later caliphs apointed qadis for solving disputes. For their appointment in Ottoman Empire qadiasker (military judges) were competent. Each of these judges appointed qadis and religious scolars (muderis) in their area of administration: Rumelian or Anatolian.  As members of ulema (religious scolars) qadis enjoyed huge reputation in Ottoman Empire with high degree of independence and integrity in their work. The area under qadis jurisdiction was called kadiluk (or kaza). One sanjak (bigger administrative unit in Ottoman Empire) could be divided in more kadiluks depending on density of muslim population. Qadis were engaged in solving marriage, family and other disputes, regulating prices on the market, securing the public order, control over mosques, religious schools, public bathrooms, orphanages, roads  and other legal duties. Together with muhtesibs they controlled the procurement in cities where they served and also in giving the waqf land into lease (mukat). Qadis were educated in medresas (seymaniye schools) and depending on their competence and knowledge they could go further on higher positions in Ottoman legal and administrative system. Beside the implementation of Sharia Law, functions of Qadi was also specific due to the judicial procedure. Ottoman criminal law made a difference between criminal offences against the rights of individuals (murder, theft) and the one against God – so called Hadd offences (consumation of alcohol, apostasy, slander, illicit sexual intercourses, robbery, rebellion). According to the type of offence the procedure could be started by the impaired person, his relatives or any member of the community since the Ottoman law did not know the institute of public prosecutor. When it comes to the inaction of punishments, the principle of legality was important as also the minimum degree of doubt that the person perpetrated the crime for which he was charged so in cases of incompatibility between offence and sharia law no other legal actions were taken. During the procedure qadis used the principle of justice and  fairness (arabic: hukm, adl, mizan, insaf) where every Muslim had to follow and achieve it in his life. On the other side there was injustice (Zulm). Connected with the justice there was istihsan as a subsidiary source of law. The judging on basis of fairness was inspired by reasons of conciousness which allowed to divert from the current law if it led towards unfair solution. Istihsan was not superior over Sharia law but it represented its constitutive part. Its impelementation allowed Sharia Law to be flexible and to adjust itself to current needs. Qadis who used istihsan could in concrete case retreat from the legal norm, which according to their legal opinion was legally either too narrow or wide, in order to find fair solution. In order to protect other involved parties in procedure different procedural principles (principle of legality, right to defence, prohibition of retroactive application of law) were created where a lot of them are part of todays modern legal systems.
75 SRPSKA NACIONALNA IDEOLOGIJA I PROJEKTI  U OBLASTI KULTURE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI, SA OSVRTOM NA ŠIRE PODRUČJE TUZLE U AUSTROUGARSKOM PERIODU (1878-1918)//SERBIAN NATIONAL IDEOLOGY AND PROJECTS IN THE FIELD OF CULTURE IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, WITH REFERENCE TO THE WIDER AREA OF TUZLA IN THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN PERIOD (1878-1918) , OMER ZULIĆ
Since the middle of the 19th century, Croatian and Serbian national ideas have been systematically and purposefully imposed on Bosnian Orthodox and Catholics in Bosnia. In this way, the Serb and Croat nations are formed on a religious basis in Bosnia. "Serbs" and "Croats" as national-political determinants are introduced into Bosnia from Serbia and Croatia. Their goal is to nationalize the Catholic population in the Croatian, and the Orthodox in the Serbian national sense. In the Austro-Hungarian period, activities in the field of strengthening national identities were also noticeable in the field of culture. Then there is a more massive organization of the population through various forms of cultural, educational, sports, economic and other societies. These associations, formally non-governmental and non-political, operated politically, with the task of executing national movements and strengthening the national consciousness of Orthodox and Catholics. In this way, a religious and ethnic mosaic was formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the mentioned period, which created a kind of forms of national movements. This was especially pronounced among the Orthodox population, which in symbiosis and cooperation of cultural, educational, business associations, and church communities, achieved significant progress and results in terms of national awareness and strengthening national and cultural identity. The goal of founding Serbian singing societies is to nurture and strengthen the Serbian national consciousness through nurturing the church song, through books (enlightenment), song and presentation of Serbian theatrical, and especially historical contents. In this way, the singing societies were the bearers of the national and educational-cultural revival of the Orthodox population. The press played a significant role in political action and the spread of national ideas and aspirations. Namely, the press was the most suitable form in terms of spreading ideas and strengthening the national-religious identity, primarily among the Orthodox, but also the rest of the population. Therefore, the occupation authorities strictly controlled and approved the establishment of printing houses with strict checks. Nevertheless, this was not an obstacle for certain newspapers to emphasize their political views and commitments through columns, which is why some were banned, as is the case with the Tuzla newspaper, called "Serbian Movement", which was banned in 1914. Theaters in this period were also very suitable for action on the national-political level. The primary goal of the theater's activities was not cultural uplifting, but agitation in order to develop national consciousness, primarily among the Orthodox population, and in that sense of action against the occupying authorities, but also Bosnia and Herzegovina. Traveling theaters primarily gave performances of historical themes, with the aim of igniting national consciousness, among the Orthodox. Therefore, this paper aims to point out the reflections, primarily of Serbian national-political aspirations in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to Tuzla, in the Austro-Hungarian period.
76 IZBORI  U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI ZA KONSTITUANTU KRALJEVINE SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA I PRETVARANJE DRUŠTVENIH RASCJEPA U POLITIČKE PODJELE//ELECTIONS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FOR THE CONSTITUTION ASSEMBLY OF THE KINGDOMS OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF SOCIAL SPLITS INTO POLITICAL DIVISIONS , AMIR AHMETOVIĆ
Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values ​​on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
77 SRPSKA I HRVATSKA VELIKODRŽAVNA POLITIKA I ODNOS PREMA BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NA PRIMJERU UDŽBENIKA HISTORIJE//SERBIAN AND CROATIAN GREAT STATE POLICY AND ATTITUDE TOWARDS BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ON THE EXAMPLE OF HISTORY TEXTBOOKS , MIRZA ČEHAJIĆ
Textbook literature is not only an interesting object of research, but also a kind of mirror of the society that produces them. In a way, they represent the basic source of knowledge for students, and their content represents a certain type of absolute truth or canonized knowledge. This is especially true for history textbooks, which show students what memory state systems not only recommend but also determine. This means that such textbooks are a reflection of the official attitude towards the past, so they are one of the most powerful instruments of action on the collective consciousness of young people, but also society as a whole. Namely, the "truth" that is built into school textbooks inevitably becomes a "living truth", having in mind the age and quantity of the reader's body. It does not take much intellectual effort to properly understand, then, the potential energy that ethnic prejudices loaded in this way, based on historical myths, half-truths and untruths, carry with them. Textbooks from Serbia and Croatia were imported and used in Bosnia and Herzegovina for a while, and in recent years the contents of textbooks from the mentioned countries have served as a template for the production of textbooks that are printed and published in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In all such textbooks, examples have been identified in which entire teaching units are dedicated to events, personalities and locations that are not from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, for example, in terms of belonging to Bosnia and Herzegovina, negative examples dominate and the analyzed textbooks do not encourage the creation of a sense of a common heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, students do not develop critical thinking, and explanations of historical-political processes are burdened with political interpretations that largely support valid auto and hetero-stereotypes. Policy options and processes are presented in a way that continues to support established attitudes about what has happened in the past, and current stereotypes about one's own and other peoples and their role in those processes. Having in mind, therefore, that the textbook content necessarily reflects the dominant ideology and current government policy, we tried to use the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to question the political function of the textbook, more precisely to show indicators of paternalistic attitude towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which are generated through Serbian and Croatian education system both in the home countries and in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself. The question that is specifically posed here is twofold: To what extent are conflicts and ethnic tensions, which have been present in all societies throughout history, reflected in school textbooks, and to what extent do school textbooks themselves convey these conflicts. The latter entails further sub-questions, such as the extent to which the textbook medium intensifies conflicts and the extent to which it calms and breaks them down. The topic itself is very broad and almost forces it to be sketched in such a small space only theoretically, which is less useful. Therefore, attention will be focused here on selected specific examples that deal with individual historical events, which are the subject of public debate, or conflict between Serbian and Croatian historiography when it comes to the origin and affiliation of the population and state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, this paper presents an "interpretation of the interpreted", with the prevalent use of secondary literature, given through a review of the opinions of selected authors. In doing so, an effort was made to consistently apply comparative analysis, to show and expose all the diversity of approaches of individual national and nationalist discourses.
78 BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U KONCEPCIJAMA SRPSKOG KULTURNOG KLUBA//BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN SERBIAN CULTURAL CLUB CONCEPTS , OSMAN SUŠIĆ
This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the  Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state  and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the  Chetniks Movement in the  Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state.             The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media.             Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović.             The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations.             After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness".             The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of  Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of ​​a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.
79 POLITIKA I HISTORIJSKI REVIZIONIZAM: TOKOVI RELATIVIZACIJE KOLABORACIONIZMA I NORMALIZACIJE „RAVNOGORSKOG ANTIFAŠIZMA“// POLITICS AND HISTORICAL REVISIONISM: FLOWS OF RELATIVIZATION OF COLLABORATIONISM AND NORMALIZATION OF „RAVNA GORA ANTI-FASCISM“ , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.
80 POLITIČKE I DRUŠTVENO-EKONOMSKE PROMJENE U BIJELJINI OD 1945. DO 1953. GODINE//POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHANGES IN BIJELJINA FROM 1945. TO 1953 . , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
The author writes about political and socio-economic changes in Bijeljina from 1945 to 1953. After the Second World War, the area of ​​Bijeljina was part of the Tuzla District. Since 1949, Bijeljina has been an integral part of the Tuzla region, and since 1952, it has been one of the 66 districts of the People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The area of ​​Bijeljina consisted of the District of Bijeljina and the City of Bijeljina. After the Second World War, the new government faced many problems: lack of adequate communication between lower and higher authorities, organization and accommodation of counties, feeding the population, buying grain, sowing, repatriation of refugees, assistance to the disabled, health problems, education, etc. In the 1945 election campaign, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) prevented the participation of civic parties in various ways. The regime spied on its political and ideological opponents. Citizens were afraid that they would be arrested as "enemies of the people" and punished. Numerous opponents of the Popular Front were removed from the voter lists. The first elections in the socialist of Yugoslavia were held on November 11, 1945. In the elections, they voted for the list of the Popular Front and the box without the list ("blank box"). The list of the Popular Front, which also included "verified" members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, won convincingly. In the Bijeljina district, 27,018 voters were registered to vote. 25,188 or 93.23% of the total number of registered voters voted. Candidate of the People's Front for the Federal Assembly of the Yugoslavia from the Bijeljina District, dr. Vojislav Kecmanović received 24,419 votes (96.95%), while the box without a list won 769 votes (3.05%). The list of the Popular Front for the Assembly of Peoples of the Yugoslavia was also "convincing" in these elections. The list won 24,457 votes or 97.10% of the total number of voters who went to the polls, while the box without the list won 731 votes or 2.90%. In the total population of Bijeljina, women were more numerous than men and made up 52.24% of the population of the District and 52.29% of the population of the City. Women played an important role in the socio-economic, cultural and educational life of Bijeljina. Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats and members of other nations lived together in the area of ​​Bijeljina, and the number of inhabitants was continuously increasing. In 1948 there were 77,482 inhabitants and in 1953, 86,865 inhabitants which was an increase of 9,383 persons or 11.49%. Serbs made up the majority in Bijeljina County (80%) and Bosniaks in Grad (52%). He is in Bijeljina, in 1948, there were 51,031 persons or 65.86% of the population without education, 24,160 persons or 31.18% with completed primary school, and 1,649 persons or 2.13% of the population with lower secondary school. 565 persons or 0.73% had completed secondary school, and 73 persons or 0.09% of the population of Bijeljina had completed college and university. There were 32,522 women or 63.73% of the total number of persons without education and 18,509 men or 36.27% without education. In addition, the literacy of the population was at a very low level. As many as 22,139 or 37.76% of people over the age of nine were illiterate. In the area of ​​Bijeljina, in the period 1945-1953. year, the number of primary schools increased from 34, 1946, to 53, 1953. In addition to primary schools, there were other schools: Teacher's, Gymnasium, Agricultural High School. With such a population structure in Bijeljina, the reconstruction and the first five-year plan were carried out very ambitiously. Significant economic changes were made in this period (1945-1953). These changes are visible in the field of crafts, trade, catering, agriculture.
81 DOPRINOS RADNIČKOG KULTURNO-UMJETNIČKOG DRUŠTVA „MITAR TRIFUNOVIĆ - UČO“  KULTURNOM ŽIVOTU TUZLE I NJENE OKOLINE (1945-1953)//CONTRIBUTION OF THE WORKERS' CULTURAL AND ART SOCIETY „MITAR TRIFUNOVIĆ – UČO“  TO CULTURAL LIFE OF TUZLA AND ITS SURROUNDINGS (1945-1953)   , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
After the Second World War, great changes took place in the cultural field. The CPY has turned the changes that have taken place in the field of educational and cultural policy into an instrument for achieving ideological goals and spreading one's own political ideas. A significant part of the cultural and artistic life of Bosnia and Herzegovina, northeastern Bosnia, and Tuzla took place through sections of societies that were mainly labeled national, workers', officials, rural and school amateurs. Cultural activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina were partly carried out through national cultural and educational societies, among Bosniaks „Preporod“, among Serbs „Prosvjeta“, and among Croats „Napredak“. Founded with the aim of educating the people and creating intelligence in their national corps, the societies eventually expanded their activities to organize illiteracy courses, establish libraries, reading rooms, cooperatives, cultural sections, and engage in publishing. National cultural and educational societies quickly came under attack from the state, where the cultural and educational work of societies began to be centralized with the formation of district and city associations of cultural and educational societies, and the final liquidation of national cultural and educational societies took place in March 1949. In addition to the renewed national societies, cultural and artistic activities were also performed by singing choirs, theater and artistic groups that were founded during the war, and workers' cultural and artistic societies began to be established. One of them is the workers' cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“, founded in 1945 in Tuzla. The society was named after a hero and a famous fighter for workers' rights, who gave his life for freedom. The action committee for founding the company consisted of: president Aljo Mutevelić, treasurer Pašaga Bećirbašić, secretary Hashim Mutevelić and two councilors Mustafa Tinjić and Mehmedalija Hukić. In the first five months, the company „Mitar Trifunović Učo“ gave six performances. During 1946, the workers' cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ had notable performances at performances and concerts. In 1947, this society gave numerous events and participated in various ceremonies, and among others visited the builders of the Šamac-Sarajevo railway, participated in the opening ceremony of the Stupari-Kladanj railway, and had several guest appearances in Banovići, Zenica and Zavidovići, then Tešanj and Teslić. In 1948, the workers' cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ had 39 performances. The beginning of 1948 was a turning point in the work of this society. At the beginning of 1948, the company organized its management, organized better work in all its sections, so that each section got its own manager. In addition, the material conditions were arranged, the necessary inventory, clothes and technical material were procured. The work of the society had almost completely died down since September 1948. No section of this society worked, only the choir and orchestra somehow performed, starting to get ready when it was time to go to festivals or festivals. The society was without any of its premises, also without the heads of individual sections. Despite the assistance provided by the City Association to society, the work in the company was still unsatisfactory, which meant that the assistance of the City Association and the assistance of the Trade Union Council was not complete and that in the future the greatest attention had to be paid they threaten even greater activation of society. In 1949, new and more extensive tasks were set before the society, primarily the establishment and strengthening of the work of all sections, choir, drama, choreography, music, recitation and pioneer sections. In 1950, the workers' cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ was proclaimed the best association of the Tuzla Basin. Sections of the society participated in numerous performances, of which singing and tamburitza at 6, folklore at 3 and theater at 6 performances. The company had four halls and one small room. During 1951, the cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ had great difficulties with the premises. There was a move from the former Workers' Home to the former Croatian Home. As a result, the company did not work for several months. The years 1952 and 1953 were the years of great „Ucina“ successes. The biggest problem in the society was the development of social life in the society and only the revival of the membership, which came only for rehearsals, and then left, not staying in the premises of the society.
82 ULOGA FABRIKE „BRATSTVO“ U RAZVOJU NOVOG TRAVNIKA//THE ROLE OF THE FACTORY „BRATSTVO“ (BROTHERHOOD) IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF NOVI TRAVNIK , MIRZA DŽANANOVIĆ
The establishment of the socialist regime had led to thorough political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first decade after the Second World War was marked by the reconstruction of the war-torn country, and great support in that process was provided by the USSR - the main ally of the new Yugoslavia. Emphasis was placed on the intensive development of the industry, which was to be the carrier of the overall economic development of the entire country. In accordance with this strategy, large industrial plants were established in all parts of Yugoslavia, thanks to which there was an intensive process of urbanization of numerous previously dormant communities. However, when there was a conflict and then a break with the USSR, Yugoslavia was forced to partially modify its economic development plans (the so-called Five-Year Plans). These changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina were most felt by cities such as Zenica, which instead of the originally planned Doboj became a Yugoslav metallurgical center, and Novi Travnik, which arose as a result of relocating part of the arms industry from Kragujevac in Serbia to central Bosnia. The factory “Bratstvo" (meaning Brotherhood) was built on a deserted meadow near Travnik in the heart of central Bosnia, and for the needs of housing workers who built industrial plants, as well as for those who worked in those plants, the first residential buildings were built in the form of low-quality wooden barracks. These were the roots of the workers' settlement that gradually grew into a new town called Novi Travnik. The fateful link between the factory and the city, which was established at that time, was not interrupted during the entire socialist period, so the survival and development of Novi Travnik completely depended on the business opportunities in the "Bratstvo" factory. The expansion of the production and plant of the "Bratstvo" also included the construction of new housing, communal, social, health, sports, cultural, catering and other facilities in Novi Travnik. A successful business year in "Bratstvo" meant a secure inflow of money into the local community budget as well as a sufficient number of funds for the work of cultural, artistic, entertainment, sports and all other societies in the city. The same rule applied in the case of bad business of "Bratstvo", and the most obvious example of how important the factory was for Novi Travnik can be seen in the case of a failed business in Ghana. The local authorities in Novi Travnik were absolutely aware of the role of the "Brotherhood" in the development of Novi Travnik and tried in every way to facilitate the functioning of the company, so, except for a few mere misunderstandings, relations between city and factory management were mostly friendly. After all, when the survival of the "Bratstvo" was called into question due to the failed business in Ghana, local authorities were among the first to appeal for the company's salvation, clearly noting that with the disappearance of the factory, the fate of Novi Travnik would be sealed. The paper presents a brief overview of the history of the company "Bratstvo" from its founding in June 1949 until the end of the socialist period in 1990, and analyses the relations between the city and factory authorities in that period. The aim of the paper was to show the importance that the factory "Bratstvo" had for the overall development of Novi Travnik and to determine how much the local authorities were aware of the role of companies in the development of the city. The paper provides insight into the processes that took place in a particular local community, but which can also be found in other industrial cities of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Yugoslavia during the socialist period.
83 UDRUŽENI ZLOČINAČKI PODUHVAT – BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U HRVATSKOM VELIKODRŽAVNOM PROJEKTU//JOINT CRIMINAL ENTERPRISE - BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN CROATIA'S GREAT STATE PROJECT , MELDIJANA ARNAUT HASELJIĆ
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY / ICTY) has indicted Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić. Indictees are charged with individual criminal responsibility (Article 7 (1) of the Statute) and criminal responsibility of a superior (Article 7 (3) of the Statute) for crimes against humanity: persecution on political, racial and religious grounds; killing; rape; deportation; inhumane acts; inhumane acts (forcible transfer); inhumane acts (conditions of detention); imprisonment, violations of the laws or customs of war: cruel treatment; cruel treatment (conditions of detention); illegal physical labor; reckless destruction of towns, settlements or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity; destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education; looting of public and private property; unlawful attack on civilians (Mostar); unlawful terrorism of civilians (Mostar); cruel treatment (siege of Mostar), violations of the Geneva Conventions: willful deprivation of life; inhuman treatment (sexual abuse); unlawful deportation of civilians; illegal transfer of civilians; unlawful detention of civilians; inhuman treatment; inhuman treatment (conditions of detention); destruction of large-scale property that is not justified by military necessity, and was carried out illegally and recklessly; confiscation of property that is not justified by military necessity, and was performed illegally and ruthlessly. The trial began on April 26, 2006. The Trial Chamber's judgment of 29 May 2013 concluded that the conflict between the Croatian Army / Croatian Defense Council (HV / HVO) and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) was of an international character. The factual evidence unequivocally showed that HV forces fought together with HVO members against ARBiH, and that the Republic of Croatia exercised general control over the armed forces and civilian authorities of the Croatian Community/Croatian Republic (HZ/HR) of Herceg-Bosna. The Council also found that there was a joint criminal enterprise (JCE) with the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity, partly within the 1939 Croatian Banovina, to enable the unification of the Croatian people. The ultimate goal was the annexation of this area to the territory of the Republic of Croatia in case of disintegration of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (which corresponded to great state claims), or alternatively to make this area an independent state within Bosnia and Herzegovina, closely connected with Croatia. As early as December 1991, members of the HZ Herceg-Bosna leadership (including Mate Boban, president of HZ/HR Herceg-Bosna) and Croatian leaders (including Franjo Tuđman, president of Croatia) assessed that in order to achieve the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity it is necessary to change the national composition of the population in the areas that were calculated to be part of it. JCE participants knew that achieving this goal means removing the Bosniak population from the area of the so-called Herceg-Bosna and that it is in contradiction with the peace negotiations that were held in Geneva. Numerous crimes committed from January 1993 to April 1994 indicate an obvious pattern of behavior where the commission of a crime was the outcome of a plan prepared by JCE participants. The Trial Chamber found that all persons covered by the Indictment made a significant contribution to the implementation of the JCE and that their contribution indicated that they had the intent to pursue a common criminal purpose. Following consideration of the Appeals filed by the Prosecution and the Defense of the Convicts, the ICTY Appeals Chamber issued a final Judgment on 29 November 2017 against Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić, declaring them liable for the joint criminal enterprise in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This appellate judgment upheld the convictions handed down by the ICTY Trial Chamber in May 2013. In addition to participating in a joint criminal enterprise, the Appeals Chamber upheld responsibility for killings, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportations, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhumane treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians, and individually for rape and sexual abuse. The verdict confirmed that the participants from Croatia in the joint criminal enterprise were Franjo Tudman, Janko Bobetko and Gojko Šušak. From the presented evidence it was concluded that the leaders of HZ/RHB, including Mato Boban, and the leaders of the Republic of Croatia, including Franjo Tudjman, in December 1991 assessed that the long-term political goal was to achieve the unification of the Croatian people entities, within the borders of the Banovina of Croatia from 1939, it is necessary to carry out “ethnic cleansing” in the territories that were claimed to belong to the HZ/RHB. Evidence confirms that a joint criminal enterprise has been established to achieve the political goal. In this context, it was established that Franjo Tudjman advocated the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croatia and Serbia by annexing part of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia or, if this was not possible, by establishing an autonomous Croatian territory that would be closely connected with Croatia. Prlić, Stojić, Praljak, Petković, Ćorić, and Pušić were convicted of crimes against humanity, violations of the laws or customs of war and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, specifically murder, willful deprivation of life, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportation, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhuman treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, looting and confiscation of public and private property under the third category of liability for participation in JCE destruction or intentional infliction damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians. In addition, Prlić, Stojić, Petković and Ćorić were convicted of rape and inhuman treatment (sexual abuse). Ćorić was additionally convicted for several crimes for which he is responsible as a superior.
84 VIŠEGRADSKI ZLOČINAČKI KRVAVI PIROVI – JUČER, DANAS, SUTRA//VISEGRADS CRIMINAL, BLOODY REVELS  – YESTERDAY, TODAY, TOMORROW , ERMIN KUKA, HAMZA MEMIŠEVIĆ
Main goal of Serbian ideology, policy, practice, starting from the late XVIII until the beginning of XIX century is creation of a clean, pure and ethnic Serbian country so called Great Serbia. In such country idealists also included the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile that is achievable only by committing heinous crimes including the Bosnian Genocide. Because of the Visegrads Geostrategic position the city is crucial for Serbian plans, aggressors and criminals tried by any means to form ethnically clean territory, not choosing the means or tools in the attempt of achieving that goal. Highest point of those crimes happened during the second world war 1941-1945, also in the time of aggression on Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. Numerous mass and individual killings, extermination, enslavement, deportations and / or forcible transfer of the Bosniak population, imprisonment and other forms of deprivation of liberty committed in violation of basic rules of international law constitute a long and sad list of criminal and genocidal acts committed against Bosniaks in the Drina Valley, and in the name of the so-called project Great Serbia. In this cycle and history of chetnik misery and inhumanity, the culmination of human malice, evil blood and moral dishonor was against the Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia. Thanks to the hard work of the community and people of the country this evil plan and evil intentions of Serbs ideologists did not come through. Yet they do not give up, furthermore they use new means and methods. In that contest targeting wider area of Visegrad, as a starting point for commencing Great Serbian goals and ideas. That gave birth to the idea that Visegrad is continuously in focus to the leaders and actors of the ideology of Great Serbia, therefore creation of ethnically clean Serbian areas. All this, for a consequence, had a permanent acts of numerous crimes against humanity and international human rights among Bosnians in wider area of Visegrad, from the period of World war 2 and in the time of aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this area number of heinous crimes were committed. One of the consequences of the horrific crimes committed against Bosniaks is a radical change in the ethnic structure of the population in the Visegrad area during the 1992-1995 aggression. In relation to the 1991 Census, when there were 13,471 Bosniaks, according to the 2013 census, 1,043 Bosniaks have registered residence in Visegrad. Still, the area wasn’t ethnically cleansed as in accordance to Serbian ideologists, so this shameful project that’s grounded on crime, continued by new means and methods. Analysis confirmed key marks of aggressive attempts of ideology and policy in creating ethnic clean Serbian territory within area of Visegrad. Research is focused and timely determined on three periods: First during the Second world war 1941-1945, Second, Aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, third period after signing of Dayton’s 1995. still this day. For the purpose of proving the general hypothesis of the research, the methods of analysis and synthesis, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method will be used, and for the purposes of obtaining data, the method of analysis (content) of documents and the case study method. Serbian ideologist still tries to remove all Bosnians from the wider area of Visegrad and by doing so make that town the starting point for the next phases of ethical cleansing of non-Serbian population from walleyes of Drina Conclusion would be under any price secure at first economic conditions for survival of Bosnians on those areas, take a set of measures on economically strengthening Gorazde, as a center of gathering non-Serb population in the walleye of Drina.
85 UČEŠĆE VOJSKE JUGOSLAVIJE U NAPADIMA NA SARAJEVO U DECEMBRU 1993. I JANUARU 1994. GODINE – OPERACIJA „PANCIR-2“//THE PARTICIPATION OF THE YUGOSLAV ARMY IN THE ATTACKS ON SARAJEVO IN DECEMBER 1993 AND JANUARY 1994 – OPERATION “PANCIR-2” , MESUD ŠADINLIJA
Before the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, Yugoslavia had created, organized and armed a powerful military structure within the 2nd military area of the Yugoslav People’s Army, which was renamed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in May of 1992. It had also never ceased to fill the ranks, arm, supply, train, equip and finance the Serb army which it had created in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Apart from that, abundant undeniable evidence exists which confirms the direct involvement of the Yugoslav Army as well as the special detachments of the Ministry of internal affairs of Serbia in the acts aimed against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for the whole duration of the war and in different parts of the country. In this work we shall present the motives, intentions, chronology and consequences of the participation of special detachments of the Yugoslav Army and the State Security Agency of Serbia in the attacks on Sarajevo during December 1993 and January 1994. On the eve of the conclusion of the Geneva peace talks on the basis of the Owen-Stoltenberg plan, the Serb political and military leadership, expecting further pressure directed towards the signing of the peace treaty and withdrawal from the territory that the Serb forces had taken, reached a decision to strenghen their positions during December 1993. As for the whole duration of the war, Sarajevo was considered to be the strategically most important area, so a military operation “PANCIR-2” was devised, prepared and executed with the aim of taking the key objects of Sarajevo’s defence, which would force the opposition to accept a partition of the city. The forces of the Sarajevo-Romanija corps, and a brigade each from the Hercegovački and 1st Krajiški corps of the Army of the Republic of Srpska were engaged in this operation. From the composition of the Yugoslav Army, parts of the Special detachment corps were involved, with the support of charge and transport helicopters. The operation was planned in two stages, whereby the first had the aim to establish control over the following objects: Žuč, Orlić, Hum and Mojmilo, while the second stage had to result with established control over Hrasnica and Butmir. Units from the composition of the Special detachment corps of the Yugoslav Army initiated the execution of their task from Belgrade on 16 December 1993. The striking part was made up from members of the 72nd Special Brigade, with parts of other special detachments: Guards Motorized Brigade, Armoured Brigade and 63. Paratroops Brigade from Niš. The combined composition of the special detachments of the Yugoslav Army of 320 men represented the core of the fighting group from the composition of the Sarajevo-Romanija Corps, numbering a total of 3,000 fighters, and representing the main part of the Serb forces within the “PANCIR-2” operation. Colonel Milorad Stupar, the commander of the 72nd Special Brigade of the Yugoslav Army, was named as commander of the fighting group. The attacks of Serb forces, with the participation of Special detachments of the Yugoslav Army and State Security Agency of Serbia, in their first phase lasted from 21 to 27 December 1993, when the 72nd Special Brigade suffered a heavy defeat in the battles on Betanija and Orahov Brijeg. Due to the suffered losses, this detachment was incapable of further military action and it was ordered to retreat to Belgrade. Instead of it, parts of the Guards Motorized Brigade were directed into Vogošća. During January, these units were engaged in battle activities of somewhat diminished intensity on the lines of Sarajevo’s defence, because in the meantime the focus of the fighting was again shifted towards the Olovo-Vareš battlefield. Active participation of the units of the Yugoslav Army in the “PANCIR-2” operation was discontinued by the end of January 1994. Their return to Belgrade was executed on 28 and 29 January in three marching columns with 45 vehicles, 3 tanks, 2 armoured vehicles, 2 self-propelled anti-aircraft guns PRAGA and one engineering machine.
86 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“ Guillaume Ancel, VENT GLACIAL SUR SARAJEVO, (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str. , RAMIZA SMAJIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“ Guillaume Ancel, VENT GLACIAL SUR SARAJEVO, (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str.
87 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Šerbo Rastoder, Novak Adžić, MODERNA ISTORIJA CRNE GORE 1988-2017. OD PREVRATA DO NATO PAKTA,  KNJ. I-III, Daily Press-Vijesti, Podgorica 2020, 1776 str. , NADA TOMOVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Šerbo Rastoder, Novak Adžić, MODERNA ISTORIJA CRNE GORE 1988-2017. OD PREVRATA DO NATO PAKTA,  KNJ. I-III, Daily Press-Vijesti, Podgorica 2020, 1776 str.
88 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: 75. GODIŠNJICA PRVOG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-a: POVIJESNA UTEMELJENOST OBNOVLJENE DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U 20. I 21. STOLJEĆU, Zbornik radova, Posebna izdanja, knjiga CLXXIX, Odjeljenje društvenih nauka, knjiga 11/1, Odjeljenje humanističkih naukam knjiga 46/1, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2019, 574 str. , EDIN HALILOVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: 75. GODIŠNJICA PRVOG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-a: POVIJESNA UTEMELJENOST OBNOVLJENE DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U 20. I 21. STOLJEĆU, Zbornik radova, Posebna izdanja, knjiga CLXXIX, Odjeljenje društvenih nauka, knjiga 11/1, Odjeljenje humanističkih naukam knjiga 46/1, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2019, 574 str.
89 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Edin Radušić, DVIJE BOSNE: BRITANSKE PUTOPISNE I KONZULARNE SLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, NJENOG STANOVNIŠTVA I MEĐUSOBNIH ODNOSA, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2019, 259 str. , NERMAN KOVAČEVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Edin Radušić, DVIJE BOSNE: BRITANSKE PUTOPISNE I KONZULARNE SLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, NJENOG STANOVNIŠTVA I MEĐUSOBNIH ODNOSA, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2019, 259 str.
90 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI // HISTORICAL VIEWS, God. II, br. 2, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 485 str. , DAMIR BOŠNJAKOVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI // HISTORICAL VIEWS, God. II, br. 2, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 485 str.
91 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: STARO RUHO – NOVI SADRŽAJI, GLASNIK BIHORA, br. 5, JU Centar za kulturu Petnjica, Petnjica 2020, 380 str. , SAIT Š. ŠABOTIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: STARO RUHO – NOVI SADRŽAJI, GLASNIK BIHORA, br. 5, JU Centar za kulturu Petnjica, Petnjica 2020, 380 str.
92 IZVJEŠTAJ//CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa NAUČNE MANIFESTACIJE “HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI 2”, Tuzla, 8. i 9. 2019. godine , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
IZVJEŠTAJ//CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa NAUČNE MANIFESTACIJE “HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI 2”, Tuzla, 8. i 9. 2019. godine
93 AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA U 2019. GODINI//ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA IN 2019. , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA U 2019. GODINI//ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA IN 2019.