1 U HUMSKOJ ZEMLJI // IN THE LAND OF HUM , ADNAN VELAGIĆ
The paper deals with the position of Herzegovina in the Middle Ages. Although the significance and role of the surrounding causes and phenomena have been elaborated, which have undoubtedly influenced the situation of this area in certain periods, the main focus of the paper was placed on the position of Herzegovina within the Bosnian state, to which it belonged during the Middle Ages. However, the pronounced animosity among the Bosnian authorities and the inability of the central authorities to put the situation under control were often the main cause of the struggle against Hum. The foreign forces, especially the Hungarian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, contributed to this, as they supported their state interests for their interests.
2 MEHMED-PAŠA SOKOLOVIĆ I PRAVOSLAVNI OGRANAK NJEGOVE PORODICE U PEĆKOJ PATRIJARŠIJI// MEHMED-PAŠA SOKOLOVIĆ AND ORTHODOX PART OF HIS FAMILY IN THE SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE OF PEĆ , UROŠ DAKIĆ
Relations between the Patriarchate of Pec and the Ottoman state were rising, while the members of the Orthodox branch of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian family Sokolovic, relatives of the great vizier Mehmed-pasha Sokolovic, were placed on the patriarchal throne. Shortly after vizier’s murder in 1579, the policies of the Serbian Church and the Ottoman Empire began to diverge that caused their bad relations. The patriarchs who inherited the "dynasty" Sokolović su began to associate with increasingly frequent anti-Ottoman movements both inside and outside the Empire, and consequently, the position of the Serbian church weakened until it was finally abolished in 1766.
3 IZMEĐU DEOSMANIZACIJE I BALKANIZACIJE: MUHADŽIRSKE DIONICE BOŠNJAÄŒKE HISTORIJE // BETWEEN DEOSMANIZATION AND BALKANIZATION: REFUGEE'S STEPS OF BOSNIAK HISTORY , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
The past and the present are inseparable, one interprets the other. Many "long-lasting" processes go beyond local frameworks and regional borders. This also applies to the complex "Eastern question", as well as the problem of the deosmanization of the Balkans, whose political geography in the 19th and 20th centuries was exposed to radical overlaps. Wars and persecutions are important factors in the history of Balkan Muslims. In the seventies of the XIX century, they constituted half of the population in the Ottoman part of the Balkans. With war devastation, a considerable part was killed or expelled to Anadolia between 1870 and 1890. The emergent "Turkish islands" in the Balkans after 1878 were increasingly narrowed, or disappeared due to the displacement of Muslims. Multiethnic and religious color of the Balkans disturbed accounts with simple categorizations. The term "balkanization" signified, after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, "not only the fragmentation of large and powerful political units, but became synonymous with returning tribal, backward, primitive, and barbaric." The Balkanization of "Ottoman Europe" and the violent changes in its ethnic-religious structure led to discontinuity, the erosion of history, as well as fragmentation of the minds of the remaining Muslims and their afflicted communities, the lack of knowledge of the interconnectedness of their fates. The emigration of Bosniaks and other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, and then to Turkey, during the XIX and XX centuries, had a number of consequences.
4 UREĐENJE GRANIÄŒNIH PRIJELAZNIH MJESTA I SAOBRAĆAJA NA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAÄŒKOJ I CRNOGORSKOJ GRANICI 1912. GODINE // DEVELOPMENT OF BORDER CROSSINGS AND TRAFFIC IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA AND MONTENEGRIN BORDER 1912 , IZET ŠABOTIĆ
The paper gives a brief overview of the problem of traffic regulation and border crossings on the Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro border in 1912. After the border between Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina was established at the Berlin Congress in 1878, certain problems were created in the realization of communications and the transition between the population of the border parts of this state. It was the area of the districts: Foca, Gacko, Bileca and Trebinje from the Bosnian side and the Pivka and Golija Captains from the Montenegrin side. Namely, in certain places there were no transitions from one side or the other, so the population went to the so-called. "Illegal" places, performing trade and other necessary jobs and needs. This represented some difficulties for the authorities of both countries, because many goods were smuggled, or not cleared, which caused some damage to these countries. The authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro were willing to regulate border relations, the establishment of several official crossing points, and the established procedure for monitoring passengers and clearance of goods. In 1912, this procedure was up-to-date, as confirmed by the mutual correlation between the official authorities of these states. In this paper, on the basis of several documents, attempts were made to point out attempts to regulate traffic and grant privileges to citizens on this border by the states of Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
5 ĐURUMLIJE IZ SANDŽAKA NA GALICIJI (1916-1917) // VOLUNTEERS FROM SANJAK IN GALICIA (1916/1917) , REDŽEP ŠKRIJELJ
Based on unpublished sources from Serbian, Turkish, Austrian and other archives, we illuminate the phenomenon of Muslim volunteers (volunteers). In this study, on the basis of archival material and the telling of contemporaries, we are talking about Bosniak warriors who were taken away to write history, but most of them did not know the geography. Namely, after the occupation of the Sandžak region (November 21, 1915), in the autumn of 1916 - the spring of 1917, the Austro-Hungarian Army, with the help of local ages and begs, carried out a fierce propaganda campaign, after which in the struggle against the Russians, front in Ukraine, took more than 10 thousand volunteers aged between 18 and 50 years. The occupying Austro-Hungarian authorities used the Ottoman Empire to enter the First World War on the side of the Central Powers for propaganda against the forces of Antanta, accusing them of the First World War for the destruction of Muslims, opposing the Bosniak population the illusion of the renewal of the Ottoman authorities in Sandzak. The second phase of mobilization (1917) denies the claim of "volunteers" because most of them are violently intervened. In the nation, these warriors were still known as "dwarfs". Most of them disappeared or transferred to the Middle East fronts. Every tenth captured or survived returned to homeland, which explains the vast post-war depopulation of the male population.
6 JUSUF MEHONJIĆ U PJEVANJU SANDŽAÄŒKIH BOŠNJAKA // JUSUF MEHONJIĆ IN SONGS OF SANDŽAK BOSNIAKS , NAKA K. NIKŠIĆ
The difficult position of Bosniaks Sandžak at the beginning of the 20th century has caused the uprising of individuals from the authorities and their association with comites (rebels). According to historical sources, the most famous Sandzak rebel was Jusuf Mehonjić, a native of Šahović (village Grančarevo), which Zaimović, in one of his work, called the Bosniak's Wilhelm Tell. He is mentioned in numerous epic poems called the so-called rebel opus that we find in the collections of oral literature of Bosniaks Sandžak, and from them the knowledge of his intellectual and physical potential, as well as the character of the protector of the disadvantaged and endangered Bosniaks. However, when it comes to ethnomusicological collections, we find that there is not a single song about this historical personality in them. The aim of this work is to preserve the musical tradition of Sandzak Bosniaks by finding and ethnomusicologic recording of lyrical poems about Jusuf Mehonjic, as well as pointing to the possibility of their nurturing through the education system in teaching in the Bosnian language in Serbia. The work and the work of Jusuf Mehonjić were examined in the paper by theoretical analysis of historical and literary sources. At the same time, the Finnish method recorded the only lyrical song about him, which we found by exploring the live musical tradition of the Sandzak Bosniaks. This is the song of Moj sokole pogledaj niz polje. This work should contribute to preserving the musical tradition of the Sandzak Bosniaks and getting to know Jusuf Mehonjic - a significant figure in the history of Sandzak.
7 PRILIKE U ŠKOLSTVU BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE ZA VRIJEME PRIVREMENOG DRŽAVNOG UREĐENJA U KRALJEVSTVU SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA // OPPORTUNITIES IN THE SCHOOL OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FOR THE TIME OF THE TEMPORARY STATE ORGANIZATION IN THE KINGDOM OF SRBA, CROATIA AND SLOVENIA , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
The school system represents for each country and society one of the most important segments. Because of this, but also a number of other reasons the authorities try to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were realized. Curricula and curricula eliminated content whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite spread the idea of a "one-tribe nation", striving to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Teachers who had to respond to the "spirit of time", and curricula and curriculum, had an important place in achieving goals. Significant changes have been made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, and works for Serbian school, literature in literature, literature and literature from the Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature. The largest number of workbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.
8 ALIJA AVDOVIĆ – BORAC ZA SLOBODU I RAVNOPRAVNOST // ALIJA AVDOVIC – A FIGHTER FOR FREEDOM AND EQUALIT , ZEĆIR RAMÄŒILOVIĆ
On the territory of today's Republic of Macedonia, people of different nations, religions and cultures live for centuries. Different states and administrations, but also peoples who have always strived for a prosperous state in which everyone would have complete freedom, simply equal opportunities, rights and obligations. With this ideology, the generations of Macedonian citizens were born and died. In the period between the two world wars living in the Vardar part of Macedonia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was not easy. In the conditions when the authorities do not recognize the existence of Macedonians, but also Bosniaks, who, except in the territory of historical Bosnia, live in all parts of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the struggle for freedom and equality of all peoples living in it is intensified even more. This struggle for the preservation and building of a national identity had a revolutionary socio-economic character, as it sought to abolish class domination over most of the population. The bearer of this struggle was the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). In this movement, Macedonians and Bosnians saw a chance to realize their aspirations to build a state in which they would be equal to other nations of former Yugoslavia. In the Vardar region of Macedonia, the bearers of this ideology and the revolutionary movement alongside the Macedonians were also Bosniaks. One of the first and most important Macedonian revolutionaries was a Bosniak Alija Avdovic. It starts its activity from the earliest days of the organized communist movement in Vardar Macedonia. Better to say, one of the founders of the movement, when in the spring of 1933, the Provincial Committee (PK) of the CPY for Macedonia is formed. Believing that Yugoslavia is possible only as a community of equal peoples, but also as a community in which there is no class domination, Alija Avdovic is actively working on raising awareness and creating revolutionary cells that will enable the realization of this idea. Why he was driven, convicted, and imprisoned. But nothing has crushed him in this fight. In the onslaught of fascism when the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was occupied, and the movement grew into a unified armed resistance to the freedom of the future common state of equal peoples, its work was gaining in intensity. The new fascist authorities have tried to arrest and destroy all the more significant revolutionaries. In August 1941, he was arrested and then shot by a young life, but whose work and ideas were extended to live and partially realized in the anti-fascist struggle and the creation of a new Yugoslav state.
9 ETATIZAM NA PRIMJERU OBEZBIJEĐENOG SNABDIJEVANJA STANOVNIŠTVA U USLOVIMA POSLIJERATNE OBNOVE I PRVOG PETOGODIŠNJEG PLANA // ETATISM ON THE EXAMPLE OF SECURED SUPPLY OF POPULATION IN CONDITIONS OF POST-WAR RECONSTRUCTION AND THE FIRST FIVE-YEAR PLAN     , SENAID HADŽIĆ
The author deals with the issue of the influence of the state administration on certain segments of the Bosnian society in the conditions of post-war reconstruction and the first five-year plan. The paper presents historical facts that speak about the circumstances of introduction of rationed and guaranteed supply of the population, which is often underlined by the concept of secured supply, the manner of realization of it, certain shortcomings, omissions and way of controlling the entire society through the mentioned supply. The work is written on the basis of, until now, unpublished archival material stored in the Archives of Yugoslavia, the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regional archives, then published sources, statistical annals, the contemporary press and relevant literature.
10 OD UÄŒITELJSKE ŠKOLE DO FILOZOFSKOG FAKULTETA U TUZLI: PRILOG PROUÄŒAVANJU TRANSFORMACIJE VISOKOŠKOLSKOG OBRAZOVANJA // FROM THE TEACHER'S SCHOOL TO THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY IN TUZLA: CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION , SEAD OMERBEGOVIĆ, NIHAD KULENOVIĆ
The paper presents the history of higher education transformation in the region of northeastern Bosnia until the founding of the Faculty of Philosophy, nowadays modernly organized higher education institutions, whose roots reach back to 1941. Because, right then, during the Second World War, the first School of Teacher Education began in operation in Tuzla, which, in a way, has begun to pave the Pedagogical Academy and the present Faculty of Philosophy in Tuzla. Political discussions and decisions of the executive and legislative authorities of all levels necessary for the founding of the Faculty of Philosophy are shown. Chronologically, the development of the faculties from two-course study programs in the initial period of education to the innovative one-subject study programs based on the Sorbonne Declaration of 25 May 1998, the Bologna Declaration of 19 June 1999 and the structure of educational studies at some faculties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Europe and the world.
11 OSNIVANJE BIBLIOTEKA U SJEVEROISTOÄŒNOJ BOSNI POSLIJE DRUGOG SVJETSKOG RATA, S AKCENTOM NA OSNIVANJE I RAD NARODNE BIBLIOTEKE U TUZLI U PERIODU 1945 – 1953. GODINE // ESTABLISHMENT OF LIBRARIES IN THE NORTH-EAST BOSNIA AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR, WITH FOCUS ON THE WORK OF NATIONAL LIBRARY IN TUZLA BETWEEN 1945 AND 1953. , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
Cultural policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War was aimed at strengthening the network of cultural, scientific and other institutions. Libraries had an important place within institutions. The new government helped build libraries and provided them with material resources. A large number of professional and special libraries of different rank and significance have been established. By establishing libraries after the Second World War, efforts were made to encourage the interest of the population in the book, and this was achieved by using various ways of agitating and popularizing libraries. Libraries began to be established in all places in northeastern Bosnia where conditions existed. Opening of city, town and local public libraries. Libraries and reading rooms were closely linked to the literacy of the population. As one of the more active forms of enlightenment, the advantage was that they were accessible to the broadest masses, they did not cost much and could easily be organized and maintained. The work on the opening and renovation of libraries and reading rooms was particularly intense in the aftermath of the Second World War. At that time, libraries were established in all major administrative centers, thus establishing a network of libraries in northeastern Bosnia. On the establishment of libraries in northeastern Bosnia after the Second World War, with the emphasis on the establishment and operation of the National Library in Tuzla, and with which problems and shortcomings they encountered, will be discussed in this paper.
12 ŠKOLSTVO U LUKAVCU U PERIODU 1945-1953. GODINE // EDUCATION IN LUKAVAC IN THE PERIOD 1945-1953. , SEMIR HADŽIMUSIĆ
To present opportunities in Lukavac education in the period 1945-1953. means talking about primary education, first of all about four-year, and later also eight-year elementary schools, for the reconstruction of school facilities, education and training of personnel for the needs of the economy, links between education and culture, and other similar issues. In Lukavac old schools are being rebuilt and new schools are being raised. The inclusion of pupils in elementary education in this period was considerably higher than before. In addition to regular classes, schools participate in organized work on the literacy of the population through analytical courses. The school becomes the center of both educational and cultural life. The cultural function of the school is particularly prominent in rural areas, where educational workers were the main bearers of the cultural life of the village.
13 POLITIÄŒKA STRADANJA PROFESORA SALIHA BUREKA 70-tih GODINA PROŠLOG STOLJEĆA // POLITICAL CONDEMNATIONS OF PROFESSOR SALIH BUREK DURING 1970s , KADRIJA HODŽIĆ
Salih Burek is one of the most respected economists in B&H, a professor and economic thinker of the Tuzla region from the late 50s to the early 1970s. Due to critical approaches to the party leadership of the Tuzla basin and the development of the contradicted economic concepts of the development of the chemical industry in Tuzla, it is strongly politically discredited and removed from public life. Politically-designed police accusations are classified as so-called Tuzla group, which in the mid-1970s was at the center of the biggest political affair in the socialist times of Tuzla and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole. Burek was the closest associate of Pashaga Mandzic, the hero of the revolution and the most important political figure of Tuzla of that time, proclaimed the leader of the so-called Tuzla Group. In the structure of the assembled political and police-judicial incrimination of Pasaga Mandzic and Tuzla group consisted literally of all ideological and political hostilities that existed at the time against socialism and socialist self-government in Yugoslavia. The interweaving of the fate of Salih Burek and Pasaga Mandzic and the common political suffering will make their biographies almost inseparable. By a judgment of the District Court in Tuzla (1975), he was sentenced to six years in prison in Zenica. After exiting from prison (1981), he again dedicated himself as a scientific associate of the Economic Institute in Tuzla to the improvement of the economic development of the Tuzla area.
14 DISOLUCIJA SFRJ I OBNOVA NEZAVISNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE NA STRANICAMA LISTA „OSLOBOĐENJE“ // DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE RENEWAL OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA'S INDEPENDENCE ON THE PAGES OF „OSLOBOĐENJE“ , OMER ZULIĆ
The author of the paper deals with the research and study of the process of the dissolution of the former SFRY, and the restoration of the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the pages of the daily newspaper Oslobodjenje. Namely, important lexical sources relevant to the study of historical processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina are available in the Oslobodjenje paper, which monitored and brought news about the process of the dissolution of the SFRY, and the restoration of the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, the aim of the paper is to investigate the atmosphere and the environment in which the changes were taking place, as was the case in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as was the reaction of the then side, but also the domestic, political and other public. In this way, one more complete picture of everyday life in Bosnia and Herzegovina is to be given in these fateful moments of its millennial existence and specialties.
15 POLITIČKE PRILIKE NA PODRUČJU TUZLANSKE REGIJE PRED AGRESIJU NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU // POLITICAL OPPORTUNITIES IN THE TUZLA REGION BEFORE AGRESIA IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1992-1995. , SEAD OMERBEGOVIĆ, IZET HADŽIĆ
Political circumstances are the result of the action of political factors, the power structures in one space. In this paper, we look at the political situation in one region - a smaller area that is affected by political conflicts in the wider region. More precisely, the paper presents political options, generators of political circumstances in the Tuzla region until the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina in April 1992.
16 STRADANJE BOŠNJAKA U PROTEKLOM RATU NA PODRUÄŒJU SUĆESKE U OPĆINI SREBRENICA // THE SUFFERING OF BOSNIAKS IN THE RECENT WAR IN THE AREA OF  SUĆESKA IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF SREBRENICA , ALIJA SULJIĆ, AMIR HALILOVIĆ, NUSRET HODŽIĆ
The anthropogeographical development of the settlement in the area of Sućeskaa was similar to the corresponding development in other settlements of the municipality of Srebrenica and under the influence of general socio-economic and political circumstances that marked the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the municipality of Srebrenica in the late 19th and 20th centuries. Certain socio-geographical features of the development of the Sućeska region can be traced through statistical data obtained by the official censuses of the B&H population from 1879 to 1991 and 2013 respectively. Changes in the overall population movement and changes in the biological, economic and educational structure of the population were carried out in accordance with appropriate processes in the Srebrenica municipality. Significant changes in the economic and educational structure of the population have occurred in the last two decades of the 20th century. However, the normal demographic development of Sućeske's area was interrupted by brutal aggression against an independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and a genocide in which a large number of Bosniaks from this region were killed. Almost 25 years after the Dayton Peace Agreement in the Sućeska region, about 20% of the total number of pre-war people live, and these are mostly older women, while the rest of Sucescani is displaced in the municipalities of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the world.
17 PRIKAZ // REVIEW Smail ÄŒekić, Vahid Karavelić, Nedžad Ajnadžić, Selmo Cikotić, Šefko Hodžić, Muhamed Smajić, Mesud Šadinlija, PRVI KORPUS ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, Sarajevo 2017, 494 str. , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
18 PRIKAZ // REVIEW Sead Selimović, Izet Šabotić, DRUGI KORPUS ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE 1992 – 1995, Tuzla 2017, 574 str. , SEMIR HADŽIMUSIĆ, JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
19 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa MeÄ‘unarodne naučne konferencije “ZNAMENITE LIÄŒNOSTI U HISTORIJI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE”, Tuzla, 16 – 17. novembar 2017. godine , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
20 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa tribine „REFERENDUM ZA NEZAVISNOST REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE – 26 godina poslije“, Tuzla, 28. februar 2018. godine   , AMIR KRPIĆ
21 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa okruglog stola “HISTORIJSKI ZNAÄŒAJ PRIJEMA REPUBLIKE BOSNE I I HERCEGOVINE U ÄŒLANSTVO ORGANIZACIJE UJEDINJENIH NACIJA – 26 godina poslije”, Tuzla, 15. decembar 2018. godine , ADNAN TINJIĆ
22 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA // ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA   , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
23 HADŽI  HUSEJN EFF. ĐOZIĆ RUHI KADIJA IZ SREBRENICE I NIKŠIÄŒKI NAIB // HAJI HUSEIN EFF. ĐOZIĆ RUHI JUDGE FROM SREBRENICA AND NIKŠIĆ VICEROY , ADIB ĐOZIĆ
There are many forgotten significant persons in Bosnian-Bosniak history, who through their knowledge and work made a significant contribution to the development of Bosnian society and the Bosniak national identity in the time and place they lived in. The most forgotten significant Bosniaks are those who lived and worked during the reign of the Ottoman state of Bosnia. One of such persons is Hadji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi, kadi (judge) from Srebrenica and Nikšić naib (viceroy). He lived in Srebrenica in the 19th century. Educated in Istanbul, he worked for as a judge in three towns and two empires. In this paper, we are talking about Haji Husein eff. Đozić, his life and work, and the significance of the documents preserved, to understand Bosnian society and the position of Bosnians in the second half of the 19th century in Srebrenica and Nikšić.
24 NEDOVRŠENA PROŠLOST U VRTLOZIMA BALKANIZACIJE: REFLEKSIJE „ISTOÄŒNOG PITANJA“ U HISTORIJSKOJ PERSPEKTIVI // INCOMPLETE PAST IN THE WHIRLWIND OF BALKANIZATION: REFLECTIONS OF „EASTERN ISSUE“ IN THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
The past and present are inseparable, "holding hands". Breakthrough epochs always influence re-thinking of the perpetrator. Everything that happened has more perspective. The dramatic flows of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans, even in Bosnia and Herzegovina, can not be universally perceived as separate from the wider European / global context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of extreme interest logic, deosmanization and balkanization models. Long-term processes outperform different time periods and spatial boundaries. In them appearances, mental circles and ideologies are slowly changing. This also applies to the content of the relief sections of the "Eastern Question" and its sleeves, whose controversial paradigms, along with policy and instrumentalized science, transcend the boundaries of the centuries and continents. The view that Muslims are "aliens" in Europe is part of a mentality known and under his mask. What is known to the foreign public, especially in the "Western world", is known about the "Ottoman Balkans" and Muslims, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniaks, which presents serious doctrine, but also what produces quasi-narratives and tendentious publications has never been insignificant. Each historiography is a product of one's own time, whose interests often determine not only questions that, especially influential scientists, set a complex past, but also answers, resisting its different perceptions. Prejudices and negative stereotypes, whose powerful social crisis generators and wars, immune to counter-arguments arising from opposing experiences and knowledge, articulate and uncritically articulate into historiographical interpretations. The truth to which it strives is a "whole" is not in one place and in the historiography of one nation, it requires a multiperspectival narrative.
25 DEMOGRAFSKE PROMJENE NAKON BERLINSKOG KONGRESA (1878) U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI // DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES AFTER BERLIN CONGRESS (1878) IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA , ZEĆIR RAMČILOVIĆ
The Berlin Congress in 1878 ended the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but above all the revision of the San Stefano peace treaty in order to prevent the spread of Russian influence in the Balkans. Austria - Hungary has been given the mandate to occupy and manage Bosnia and Herzegovina. The planned peaceful occupation was oppressed by the people, and the Austro-Hungarian army was given fierce resistance. Nevertheless, Bosnia is occupied with a large number of forces, but also civilian casualties. Official reports state that Austro-Hungary fulfilled the conditions that it bargained in Berlin, but the reality after the occupation was different from that which was found on the paper. The new administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina has made deep and radical changes in the socio - political system, but above all in the lives of ordinary people. The transition of a society that was going on very slowly and complicated had far-reaching consequences, especially on demographic trends in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographic changes after 1878 were the result of several factors, primarily the establishment of a new government, a new legal order, a cultural and social transition, and the reorganization of religious life. The centuries-old and, to the greatest extent, the privileged position of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire was changed to the province of the dual monarchy with the supreme military administrator. The nation was not given the right to participate in the governance of its own country. Every change was pronounced and most often at the expense of the domicile majority Bosniak population. The fact that this period, as in the past, today has a great interest in studying from different points of view, I would like to give a brief review of the demographic changes that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after its occupation.
26 BRIGA ZA NAROD U DIJASPORI DO LATENTNOG SUKOBA SA DOMICILNIM NARODOM – AKTUALIZACIJA PROŠLOSTI NA SADAŠNJOST U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI // CARE FOR PEOPLE IN DIASPORA UP TO A LATENT CONFLICT WITH THE DOMICILE NATION – UPDATING THE PAST TO THE PRESENT OF  BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA , IVAN BALTA
The beginning of the 19th and the 20th century marked the period of nations’ constitution in southeastern Europe and greater care for nations’ oases living out of their parent nations. Sometimes that care turned into intended or unintended hegemony over other nations. This phenomenon is actual even today in various nations, especially in the Balkans, so it is interesting how "the care of the people out of their home country" (nowadays people would say "diaspora"), implemented various "actions" that were sometimes politically conducted from the Austro-Hungarian centres of power to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, especially in the case of the Hungarian government's pro-government project "Julian Action".So-called Julian Action was not unique at that time, neither it was the only, nor the first or special, but it can be somewhat comparable to the same work methodology in the same regions, for example, with the similar German project Schulvereine, the Italian action by Dante Alighieri, and even to not so significant Slavic action of the Cyril and Methodius societies, as well as to some other less-known "actions" that operated abroad, i.e. mainly outside the home countries, on the territory of Austria-Hungary. The opposite views were mostly manifested in the interpretation of justification, e. g. of Julian Action (which got the prosaic name). For instance, the Hungarian side (similar to German, Italian ... through their associations), justified the action of the association "Julian" by the care of its own people outside the borders of the home state (in order to preserve identity, culture and language). On the contrary, the Croatian (and also Bosnian-Herzegovinian,…) side in the activity of the "Julian" organization recognized a sort of political alienation and Hungarization (or Germanization, Italianization, ...) of the majority of domicile population. The Hungarian Julian campaign was conducted on the basis of: A) Statute of the Julian Society, (voted in 1903), and B) Hungarian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Croatian-Slavonic-Dalmatian laws. For example, the Hungarian Julian Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia could be founded, organized and act not only on the basis of the applicable Hungarian laws, but also on the basis of the school laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, which allowed and even encouraged the organization of public and private schools, rural and wilderness schools (e. g. through Hungarian Julian schools), factory schools (e. g. Hungarian state railway schools), confessional schools (e. g. Hungarian reformatory schools), which opened a wide area of the Hungarian Julian Action operation from 1904 in Croatia and Slavonia, and from the 1908 occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A vast majority of pupils were of non-German nationality, and they were enrolled there because of better conditions, employment opportunities in enterprises, state and public services, as well as because of future education. Hungarian schools and Hungarian railways, as well as Hungarian churches and societies in Croatia and Slavonia, existed in the second half of the 19th century. They had the purpose of implementing the so-called Hungarian State Thought (Magyar Állami eszme), which had been politically instrumentalized. Since 1904 until the end of the First World War they put the so-called Julian action into their systems and programmes. Almost identical relationship had existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1908. There were constant conflicts between the state of Hungary and Julian campaign with the majority of Slavic population outside of Hungary, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Julian campaign was politically instrumentalized because of “taking care of its people in diaspora", and in some parts crossed the boundaries of "preserving" them, it began with "unintentional" assimilation through schools, railways and cultural societies. So it necessarily had to come into conflict with other nations. From the Hungarian point of view, the so-called "Bosnian Action" and "Slavonic Action" of the Hungarian Government were directed towards the care of Hungarians in the so-called "affiliated" and annexed province, as well as to strengthening and expansion of Hungarian influence in the countries where the majority of population were Muslims-Bosnians, Serbs and Croats. The same action ranged from the accusation of "Hungarianization” to the theory of the Hungarians threatened by assimilation; however, the action did not achieve a long-term goal and did not prove permanent because, after the end of the First World War, a small group of Hungarians in the newly established countries did not have any legal guarantees, and new authorities did not ensure its survival.
27 UTICAJ ÄŒASOPISA PREGLED NA DRUŠTVENI I KULTURNI ŽIVOT BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE KROZ PISANJE O AGRARNOJ PROBLEMATICI 1910-1913. // THE IMPACT OF MAGAZINE PREGLED ON SOCIAL AND CULTURAL LIFE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, BY WRITING ON AGRARIAN ISSUES IN THE PERIOD 1910-1913. , IGOR MIŠKOVIĆ
Newspapers, either daily or periodic, represent a significant source of study on cultural and entertainment life in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The magazine Pregled dealed with social, economic and cultural issues of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through our work, we follow the writings on agrarian issues of the magazine Pregled in the first period of his appearance running from 1910 until 1913. Pregled shows an agrarian issue as a crucial one and consequently apporoaches it from all sides. It follows the agrarian events in other countries of Europe, draws parallels, and eventually gives proposals for the same events in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
28 AGRARNE PRILIKE U SEMBERIJI U PRVOM DESETLJEĆU 20. STOLJEĆA (na osnovu Memoranduma-molbe veleposjednika Osman-bega Pašića iz 1912. godine, upućenog zajedničkom ministru finansija Belinskom) // AGRARIAN SITUATION IN SEMBERIA IN THE FIRST DECADE OF 20th CENTURY (based on the Memorandum-request of landowner Osman-bey Pašić from 1912, sent to the Minister of Finance Bilinski) , IZET ŠABOTIĆ
The paper presents the Memorandum-Request from 1912 by Osman-bey Pašić, a landowner from Bijeljina, addressed to the Minister of Finance of Bilinski. The Memorandum highlighted numerous irregularities and difficulties encountered by Bosniak landowners and Bosniaks in Semberia. Particularly pointed out was the problem of the relationship between serfs (čifčije) and landowners, where the expression of disregard for obligations by serfs, as well as the usurpation of property occurred. In this way, the economic status of landowners has largely diminished. In addition, the security, religious, political and social rights of Bosniaks in this area were significantly compromised. So, the relation of the agas - landowners and serfs was not only of a commercial nature, but also of a national-political one. In such procedures, the authorities of Bijeljina did not function adequately, and in the memorandum minister Bilinski was asked to intervene, in order for the government to start acting. This document is only one of documents confirming all the complexity and stratification of agrarian relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina during this period, which were particularly complex in the area of Semberija.
29 TRAGOM PISANE RIJEÄŒI VJERSKE INTELIGENCIJE BOŠNJAKA U AUSTROUGARSKOM RAZDOBLJU I NJIHOVA PROSVJETITELJSKA ULOGA // WRITTEN WORDS OF BOSNIAK RELIGIOUS INTELIGENTSIA IN AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN PERIOD AND ITS ENLIGHTENING ROLE , EDIN VELADŽIĆ
The paper provides a brief overview of the significance and role of religious intelligence of Bosniaks in the field of affirmation of written texts in the Austro-Hungarian period. An overview of this kind of activity of Bosniak religious intelligence in the Austro-Hungarian period offers us a clearer picture of one important dimension in the process of development of the Bosniak people and challenges of adaptation to the new circumstances in a very turbulent transition period. The "heralds" of the new era, when speaking of the written words of Bosniaks at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, played a significant enlightening role that the previous historical science did not emphasize sufficiently.
30 ATENTAT U SARAJEVU I NJEGOVE REFLEKSIJE NA PODRUČJU HERCEGOVINE // ASSASSINATION IN SARAJEVO AND ITS REFLECTIONS IN THE AREA OF HERZEGOVINA , ADNAN VELAGIĆ
The murder of the Austro-Hungarian crown prince Franco Ferdinand and his wife, Sofia Hohenberg, in Sarajevo in 1914, opened numerous questions and controversies. Opposite conclusions and observations on this issue were elaborated not only by historians, but by politologists, sociologists, psychologists, and others, which was only one of the reasons why many issues in this issue remain in the sphere of controversial answers. It is therefore to be assumed that the giving of the final scientific court, the murder that triggered the world cataclysm, will continue to be the subject of many discussions and controversies. In this paper, the author sought to highlight events from this turbulent time in the Herzegovina region based on archival material, which has not been published so far.
31 ULAZAK BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U KRALJEVINU SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA PREMA PISANJU NARODNOG JEDINSTVA // ENTRANCE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE KINGDOM OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES ACCORDING TO NEWSPAPER „NARODNO JEDINSTVO“ (NATIONAL UNITY) , OMER ZULIĆ
The question of the entry of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Kingdom of the SHS is important to research and study through the columns of the National Unity, the official newsletter of the new national authorities. Although in its first issue it was announced with pomp, it was an independent newsletter, it was everything, but not independently. Namely, this is a school example of the Edict list, which served to glorify the new state of Slovenians, Croats and Serbs, and later to glorify the unification into the Kingdom, that is, first of all, the glorification of the Serbian element in the Kingdom of the SHS. This work follows the information contained in columns from November 4, when the first number of the National Unity was published, until December 26, 1918, or less than two months.
32 U SLUŽBI IDEJE „NARODNOG I DRŽAVNOG JEDINSTVA“: ŠKOLSTVO U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI OD 1918. DO 1929. GODINE // IN THE SERVICE OF THE IDEA OF "NATIONAL AND STATE UNITY": SCHOOL IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FROM 1918 TO 1929 , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
The school system represents one of the most important segments for each state and society. For this reason, and for a number of other reasons, the authorities are trying to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were achieved. The curricula removed contents whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite was spreading the idea of a "three-nation nation", seeking to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Schools were given the task of developing the idea of a common fold and the idea of '' national and national unity ''. The idea, in the view of the ruling elite, could have been realized by schools, not by the army and officials. Teachers who had to respond to the '' spirit of the times '', as well as curricula and textbooks, played an important role in achieving the goals. Significant changes were made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with an emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and works on Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature were prescribed for the school textbook. Most of the textbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.
33 JEDAN POGLED NA ŽIVOT I DJELO AKADEMIKA MUSTAFE KAMARIĆA - Dugogodišnji profesor Pravnog fakulteta u Sarajevu, istaknuti funkcioner Islamske zajednice Bosne i Hercegovine i osnivač Narodne biblioteke u Gračanici // A VIEW OF THE LIFE AND WORK OF THE ACADEMIC MUSTAFA KAMARIĆ - A long-term professor at the Faculty of Law in Sarajevo, a prominent official of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegowina and the founder of the National Library in Gračanica , OMER HAMZIĆ
In this article, the author briefly referred to the life and work of Mustafa Kamarić, an almost forgotten professor at the Faculty of Law in Sarajevo, and the correspondent member of the Academy of Sciences and Art of Bosnia and Herzegovina, born in Gračanica. In the first part of the article, the author writes about Kamarić's youth, education and studies at the Faculty of Law, after which he writes about his employment in Belgrade, where he was in the first ranks of young Bosniak intelligentsia as a cadet, drawing attention not only as an activist, but also as a talented researcher of the then social circumstances and conditions in which the Bosniaks lived. At the same time, he was engaged in the social and cultural life of Gračanica, especially during the summer holidays and shorter excursions to his hometown. Bearing in mind that this theme has been discussed quite a lot so far, this article focuses more on the more mature era of this intellectual, his work at the Law Faculty in Sarajevo, and the contribution to the development of the legal thought, as well as his remarkable engagement in professional and social circles, especially in the highest authorities and bodies of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
34 BOSNA U OSMANISTIČKOM FOKUSU: PARALELE JUGOSLOVENSKOG I POSTJUGOSLOVENSKOG PERIODA // BOSNIA IN FOCUS OF OTTOMAN STUDIES: PARALLELS OF THE YUGOSLAV AND POST-YUGOSLAV PERIOD , RAMIZA SMAJIĆ
More than a quarter of a century after the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state outside of Yugoslavia, a period for a comparative analysis of historiographic results is appropriate. In this paper, attention is devoted to the treatment of Bosnian territory in various social frameworks, financial and personnel capacities, affinities and ideological orientations. Certain areas of scientific work, of course, had a natural sequence of activities, some needed to be adjusted, while approaches and focus in some fields developed completely new forms in the spirit of contemporary osmanism. The planned exhibition is a collection of practical experiences in the field of the Ottoman work in both the Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav periods.
35 OPISMENJAVANJE STANOVNIŠTVA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U PERIODU NARODNOOSLOBODILAÄŒKOG RATA (1941-1945) // LITERARCY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA'S POPULATION IN THE PERIOD OF PEOPLE'S LIBERATION WAR (1941-1945) , SEMIR HADŽIMUSIĆ
The author of the paper presents the state of literacy of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the Second World War, and in particular explains the activities that are conducted with regard to the literacy of the population in the period of the National Liberation War (NOR). Certainly, a special review was given to the presentation of the literacy process of the population, which is an outgrowth for regular primary school education, and on the activities that took place on the occasion of the NOR on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, the literacy of children through attending elementary school, as well as literacy in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the fascist occupation and administration of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), were partly given in order to review the framework state. Bosnia and Herzegovina had a very high percentage of the illiterate population before the Second World War. How fascist occupation, warfare, human and material losses have compounded this picture, and whether during the war, in the liberated areas, adequate methods of working for the literacy of the population were found, the author explains on the pages of this paper.
36 IBRAHIM EF. FEJIĆ - PRVI REISUL-ULEMA U TITOVOJ JUGOSLAVIJI // IBRAHIM EFFENDI FEJIĆ – THE FIRST REIS-UL-ULEMA IN TITO`S YUGOSLAVIA , DENIS BEĆIROVIĆ
Reis Ibrahim effendi Fejić was a man of great intellect, a brave and daring intellectual, a man who unselfishly advocated for public interests, an outstanding scholar of spirituality and tradition in Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was a good philologist and polyglot. He was fluent in Arabic, Turkish and Persian, and he also used German. He was also engaged in publishing, working with many religious and state magazines and newspapers. He was a major supporter of reforms in religious and religious-educational life led by Reis-ul-Ulema Mehmed Džemaludin ÄŒaušević. During the Second World War he committed himself to the National Liberation Movement, actively participating and bravely raising his voice against the crimes and persecution of innocent people no matter what religion or nation they belonged to. Five members of his family even gave their lives in the fight against fascism and for the liberation of the country. He held the Reis-ul-Ulema position in the period between 1947 and 1957, when he retired having reached a ripe old age. Despite the complex historical circumstances after the Second World War, Reis-ul-Ulema Ibrahim effendi Fejić carried out a series of activities aimed at improving the organisational, infrastructural, educational, cultural and religious circumstances within the Islamic community. With regard to emerging opportunities, marked by the narrowing of religious rights and freedoms, Reis Fejić invested a lot of energy and knowledge to preserve the basic functions of the community. Furthermore, he stood out as a tolerant man in his work, who worked on building good-neighbourly relations with other religious communities and preventing revanchism in the post-war period.
37 “GODINA RASPLETA” – JUGOSLAVIJA 1968: studentske demonstracije i tuzlanske reakcije // “YEAR OF RESOLVE” - YUGOSLAVIA 1968: student demonstrations and Tuzla’s reactions , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
The protests that affected the student population in 1968 around the world did not go beyond Yugoslavia. The first Belgrade, and then the students of other Yugoslav universities, launched demonstrations and highlighted the demands for more equitable relations in society. Student demonstrations in Yugoslavia that erupted in June 1968, were a series of public demonstrations and strikes and other protest actions that took place at universities in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis on demonstrations of students from the Belgrade University. The year 1968 is a symbol of revolution and historical change in society, and student revolutionary mood, mini-revolution, demonstrations, riots and dissatisfaction spread from the United States to Europe, and from Paris through Prague to Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana and Sarajevo. Student dissatisfaction was initiated by the inefficiency of the implementation of economic and social reform, and the decline in the standard of living not only of the broader strata of society, which had a negative impact on the student population. During the student mini-revolution, they were trying to gain for their ideals the working class, convincing them in equal interests and the only way to the desired goal, but without success. In this connection, this paper seeks to draw on the basis of the press (Oslobodjenje and Front Freedom) and letters and telegrams addressed to the Union of Students of the Belgrade University to demonstrate that the employees of the company and mine in the Tuzla region reacted to these student demonstrations in Belgrade, then the schools, college students and others. By holding a meeting of working collectives, choirs, then sending letters and telegrams, they condemned the actions of students, but also gave full support to Tito in building a self-managing socialist society.
38 POLITIČKI ZEMLJOTRES U SR BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NAKON OKTOBRA 1969. GODINE. ODNOS REPUBLIČKOG I SAVEZNOG RUKOVODSTVA POČETKOM 1970-tih GODINA // THE POLITICAL EARTHQUAKE IN THE SR BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AFTER OKTOBER 1969. THE RELATION OF THE REPUBLICAN AND FEDERAL LEADERSHIP IN THE EARLY 1970s. , DŽENITA SARAČ-RUJANAC
On October 26 and 27, 1969, a devastating earthquake hit Banja Luka and fourteen neighbouring municipalities. The reconstruction of the affected area will become a very important issue causing a kind of earthquake in the relations of Bosnia and Herzegovina's leadership with the Federal Government and the other republics. In the early 1970s, the whole complexity of multi-year struggle for the equal status and treatment of the Republic in the Federation was reflected in it. In the paper, we track the multi-month negotiations overthe funding sources, the contribution of the Federation and the other republics in the construction and renovation of the Bosanska Krajina (the Bosnian Frontier) and we also indicate the political consequences of this natural disaster.
39 MIGRACIJE MUSLIMANA IZ ZAPADNE BOSNE NA PODRUÄŒJE BANIJE I KORDUNA U SOCIJALISTIÄŒKOM PERIODU I VJERSKO ORGANIZIRANJE VJERNIKA ISLAMSKE VJEROISPOVJESTI U SISKU I NA KORDUNU // MUSLIMS MIGRATIONS FROM WESTERN BOSNA TO THE BANIJA AND KORDUN AREA IN THE SOCIALIST PERIOD AND THE RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION OF MUSLIMS IN SISAK AND KORDUN , FILIP ŠKILJAN
Muslims began to arrive in the area of Sisak and Kordun in a larger number only in the sixties of the twentieth century. Most of them came to Sisak from the West Bosnian municipalities of Bosanski Novi, Bosanska Krupa, Cazin, Velika Kladusa, Prijedor, Bosanska Dubica, while they came to Kordun mainly from the areas of Velika Kladusa and Cazin. Displacement into an urban center like Sisak in a labor camp in Capraga was a completely different character since settling in the rural zone between the Black Stream and Katinovec in the north and the Masina in the south (more than 50 kilometers distance). Sisak-based workers from western Bosnia came to Sisak for employment, while the Greater Cold and Cazin Muslims settled in Kordun mainly due to overpopulation in the zones in which they lived. The life rhythms of each other differed greatly. Metallurgical workers had permanent incomes, lived in specially built buildings mixed with other workers to those who had other religions and nationalities. The standard of living for all the workers in Caprago was much more equal, and despite religious and national differences, immigrant children entered national and religious mixed marriages. In contrast, the Cordon Muslims lived in very closed communities that remained religious and nationally homogeneous. This group, scattered in ten villages and hamlets at a distance and several kilometers from each other, lived mainly from agriculture and livestock, and individuals worked in Slovenia, Austria and Germany while their families lived in Kordun villages. Most of the Muslims who worked abroad were able to earn enough money to build houses not far from their home villages in a given period and thus maintain ties with friends and relatives and have the opportunity to create their own economy. Being engaged in farming and livestock farming, these Muslims lived, according to their own perception, in a fertile land from the land in the Cazin region. There is another big difference between Sisacki and Kordun Muslims. For the last war (1991-1995), the Kordun Muslims experienced an exodus, most often in their native places in western Bosnia, and they mobilized into various armies (from the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the 'grandmother' to the army of the Republic of Srpska Krajina and the Croatian Army ). Some of them, due to circumstances in which they found themselves during the war in several armies, and those who escaped or were expelled in 1991 captured the stolen, destroyed and burnt property when they returned after Operation Storm in 1995. By contrast, the Muslims of Sisak and its surroundings were very often Croatian volunteers and participated in the defense of their places of residence (eg MošÄ‡enica) and other settlements in Banija and Croatia. Due to their religious and national affiliation, some of them had problems in the Croatian Army, and many did not exercise their rights as Croatian defender in the post-war period. After the war, the Kordun community increased by influx of new Muslims and high natural increase, while the Sisak community largely stagnated stagnated, and has recently been somewhat reduced due to the complete collapse of Sisak Ironworks, or the departure of younger persons abroad to work.
40 UTJECAJ RATA U HRVATSKOJ NA ZBIVANJA U BOSANSKOJ KRAJINI 1991. GODINE // THE INFLUENCE OF WAR IN CROATIA TO EVENTS IN BOSANSKA KRAJINA DURING 1991. , JASMIN MEDIĆ
The author analyzes the impact of war events in Croatia on national relations in the Bosnian Krajina in 1991. The Serbian autonomous region of Krajina (later the Republic of Srpska Krajina) in Croatia and the Autonomous Region of Krajina (ARK) in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina were the first to form autonomous areas according to the ethnic principle in the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia as formal-legal successors of the communities of municipalities. The narrow military and political cooperation, the issue of mobilizing the population of the Bosnian Krajina in the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) and the problem of refugees, significantly influenced national relations in this part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
41 ETNIÄŒKO ÄŒIŠÄ†ENJE BOŠNJAÄŒKOG STANOVNIŠTVA 1992-1995. (metodi, pravci, statistički pokazatelji) // ETHNIC CLEANSING OF BOSNIAK POPULATION 1992-1995. (methods, directions, statistical indicators) , SENIJA MILIŠIĆ
Aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina marked the last decade of the 20th century. Aggression was carried out by Serbia and Montenegro in order to realize the project of creating a "Greater Serbia". Since the preparation of the aggression was in progress, the agreement was reached between the Serbian and Croatian leaders on the division of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the goal, as they said, the definitive solution of the Serbo-Croatian issue, and in the essence of rounding up "their big states" to the account of Bosnia and Herzegovina it is to aggression both from the east and from the west. Aggression was also supported by traitors from Bosnia as well. Aggression resulted in the occupation of a large part of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the goal was fully realized, the Bosniak population was eliminated. A part of the population was killed, a part was imprisoned in the camps, and a part expelled. The expulsion meant saving only the bare life and leaving the entire property to the aggressor. All the property was looted, and after that, the aggressor tried to destroy everything that could testify that the Bosniaks lived there (from cemeteries to religious buildings). So it was about ethnic cleansing carried out by doing all kinds of crimes, including genocide. In the expulsion operation or to use the euphemism of displacement (that is, the "human migration of the population", as the aggressor called it), the International community was implicated through some of its organizations (Red Cross, UNHCR, etc.). The expelled population in the first phase ended in territory controlled by the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH), and after that part was moved to the so-called " third country”. In very rare cases, the prisoners detained in the camps, if they declared that they would go to third countries immediately, were moved from the camp in accelerated procedure. The idea was that the Bosniak population had to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this way, more than 70% of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was "cleared" from Bosniaks. In this paper, we will focus on ethnic cleansing (displacement), methods and directions of displacement, and on statistical indicators of the number of displaced persons.
42 GRANIÄŒNI SPOROVI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE SA REPUBLIKOM HRVATSKOM // BORDER DISPUTES BETWEEN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA , SEAD OMERBEGOVIĆ, IZUDIN ŠARIĆ
Bosnia and Herzegovina has been fighting for centuries through centuries in order to remain a unique, complete, independent and sovereign state. Throughout its many years of history, the various rulers who shared, appropriated, gave and took parts of its territory without any consequences were replaced in its territory. Following the independence referendum held on February 29 and March 1, 1992, the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina followed on 6 April 1992 by the European Community (EC) in its existing borders. On June 30, 1999, Bosnia and Herzegovina signed the Border Agreement with the Republic of Croatia, but it has never been ratified by the Croatian Parliament or by the Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliament. When it comes to the territorial demarcation of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the neighboring countries, the opinion of the Badinter Arbitration Commission of the Conference on Yugoslavia, which defined the boundaries of delimitation based on some rules of international law, is important. In this regard, it is necessary to point out the legal significance of Opinion no. 3. Arbitration commissions which read: "The borders between former federal units are considered to be the borders of the successor states, and can not be changed by force, but only by agreement". The principle of "uti possidetis" can serve as a basis for defining the land borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina with neighboring countries. The gaining of Bosnia and Herzegovina's independence and its international recognition has sparked an interest in the issue of identification, that is, determining its land borders with neighboring countries, as well as the sea delineation with the Republic of Croatia. The international recognition of new states implies clearly and undoubtedly the limits of its sovereignty.
43 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Senaid Hadžić, PRIMJERI SUŽIVLJENJA: BILJEŠKE O TUZLANSKOM KRAJU U 19. STOLJEĆU, Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Društvo arhivskih zaposlenika Tuzlanskog kantona, Tuzla 2017, 467 str. , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
44 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Izet Šabotić, ÄŒIFÄŒIJSKI ODNOSI I PROMJENA VLASNIŠTVA NAD ZEMLJOM U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1878-1918), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 320 str. , AMIR KRPIĆ
45 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Damir Bošnjaković, TOJŠIĆI OD SREDNJEG VIJEKA DO 1958. GODINE, Knjiga Prva, Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, JU Bosanski kulturni centar „Alija Izetbegović“ Kalesija, Tuzla 2018, 189 str. , OMER ZULIĆ
46 PRIKAZ/REVIEW NA MARGINI POVIJESTI, Edicija Zbornici, knjiga 5, Udruženje za modernu historiju Sarajevo, Sarajevo 2018, 181 str. , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
47 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Adnan Jahić, MUSLIMANSKO ŽENSKO PITANJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1908-1950), Bošnjačka nacionalna zajednica za Grad Zagreb i Zagrebačku županiju, Zagreb 2017, 552 str. , ADNAN TINJIĆ
48 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Fikret Karčić, PRAVNO-HISTORIJSKE STUDIJE, Centar za napredne studije, Sarajevo 2016, 192 str. , SEAD BANDŽOVIĆ
49 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa NAUÄŒNE MANIFESTACIJE „HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI“, Tuzla, 8. i 9. novembar 2018. godine , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
50 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA U 2018. GODINI // ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA IN 2018. , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
51 RATOVI I TOKOVI DEOSMANIZACIJE BALKANA (1912-1923) // WARS AND WAYS OF DEOSMANIZATION OF THE BALKANS (1912-1923) , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).
52 PROPADANJE I UZURPACIJA IMOVINE BAKIR-BEGA TUZLIĆA // DESTRUCTION AND USURPATION OF BAKIR-BEG TUZLIC'S PROPERTY , IZET ŠABOTIĆ
The paper discusses the probate and the procedure of liquidation of debts, and the usurpation of peasant settlements of deceased Bakir-beg Tuzlic. The process of liquidation of debts was conducted before the District Sharia Court in Tuzla. Bakir-beg Tuzlic was the last descendant of the captain and bey family Tuzlic, who as a landowner played a significant role in the economic and political life of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian rule. This is a time with many temptations for the entire population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and especially for Bosniaks, who did not accept the fact that they fell under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. For this reason, a number of other problems arose. Bosniak landowners were particularly dissatisfied with their status, although they were politically privileged to some extent by the Austro-Hungarian authorities. The biggest problem, however, was the constant attack on their estates by the peasants, who sought the opportunity to occupy peasants and bay’s lands, to which the bey's landowners opposed. Nevertheless, the process of buying and usurping the lands took place throughout the Austro-Hungarian administration, which greatly weakened the bey's class economically. The attempt to economically stabilize the beys required taking loans that were unfavorable from the aspect of high interest rates, which additionally brought this class into an unenviable economic and political position. Such was the case with Bakir-beg Tuzlic, one of the largest landowners in Bosnia and Herzegovina and a representative of Bosniaks in political life during that period. Such a situation was especially visible, after his death in 1910, and the conduct of the procedure of liquidation of debts and redemption of the cift (land) of the deceased Bakir-beg Tuzlic. The stated debts and the decline of the property of Bakir-beg Tuzlic are a confirmation of the economic weakening and unsustainability of the landowner, bey class in the Austro-Hungarian period. After the death of Bakir-beg Tuzlic, his property and lands were decimated, which brought his heirs to an unenviable economic position and status.
53 BOŠNJAÄŒKE FAMILIJE NASELJA LJESKOVIK U DRUGOJ POLOVINI 19. STOLJEĆA // BOSNIAC FAMILIES OF THE SETTLEMNTS OF LJESKOVIK IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY , ALIJA SULJIĆ, HASIB HASANOVIĆ, ENEZ OSMANOVIĆ
  The forming process of the modern Bosniac families in Ljeskovik settlement started at the beginning of the 17th century, and lasted till the end of the 19th century. However, the whole process can be tracked down from the mid 19th century, covered with data collected during the first census in Bosnia from 1850/51, and according to the informations gethered from land books of the Srebrenica District from 1894 andfrom there onwards. The first census from 1850/51 considered only male population. From the data collected in 1850/51, there are seven families or surnames in Ljeskovik, and those are: ÄŒaušević, Duraković, Hodžić, Jahčić, (Bihačić), Kamramović, Mahmudović, Omerović, and Tabaković. By the end of the 19th century according to land books of the cadastral district of Ljeskovik, there are 43 surnames, or family names recorded: Aganović, Avdić, Beširović, Buljubašić, Demirović, Dervišević, Džanić, Efendić, Halilović, Hasanović (Duraković), Hasanović (Vranjkovina), Hasić, Hodžić, Husić, Kreševljaković, Mahmutović, Malović, Mandžić, Mehanović, Mehmedović, Memić, Mujčinović, Mujić, Mujić (Mahmutović), Mustafić, Mustafi (Katanić), Numanović, Omerović, Osmanović, Salkić, Salihović, Selimović, Selmanagić, Sinanović, Smajić (Omerović), Smajlović (ÄŒaušević), Softić, Suljić, Špiodić, Tabaković, Travničanin, i Zukić. This work covers only families that use to live in Ljeskovik in the second half of the 19th century.
54 OBRAZOVNE PRILIKE U HERCEGOVINI ZA VRIJEME KRALJEVINE SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA (1918-1929) // EDUCATIONAL SITUATION IN HERZEGOVINA DURING THE PERIOD OF KINGDOMS OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES (1918-1929) , ADNAN VELAGIĆ
In the first years of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of SHS), the educational situation in Herzegovina was very bad. The low level of literacy (in some areas over 90%) and the small number of educational institutions, gave a negative picture, which was further complicated by the incompetence and slowness of the state administration. From the mid-1920s, the situation began to change. The construction of schools and literacy through course teaching were significant, but still insufficient steps to solve all the accumulated problems in this area. Based on unpublished sources and relevant literature, the paper discusses the state of the school system in Herzegovina, during the first period of monarchist Yugoslavia (1918-1929).
55 O POKUŠAJIMA ORGANIZOVANJA I DJELOVANJA POLITIÄŒKE EMIGRACIJE CRNE GORE U CARIGRADU NAKON SMRTI KRALJA NIKOLE (1921) // ORGANIZATION AND ACTIVITIES OF MONTENEGRO’S POLITICAL EMIGRATION OF IN CONSTANTINOPLE AFTER DEATH OF KING NIKOLA (1921) , ŠERBO RASTODER
The paper treats one important issue for Montenegrin historiography, which refers to the Montenegrin emigration and its activities in Constantinople, after the death of King Nikola in 1921. Based on hitherto unpublished historical sources, the paper presents numerous details related to the activities of the Montenegrin emigration, which was relocated to Italy until the death of King Nikola, and after that the largest number of emigrants moved to Constantinople. These are political emigrants who did not accept the loss of independence of Montenegro, after the Pogorica Assembly in 1918, and did not agree with the policy of the new state of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In this regard, the paper presents very interesting and diverse activities of Montenegrin emigration, and gives a clear picture of their commitment to Montenegro, its statehood and independence, and through their political activities and life in Constantinople.
56 „TURSKI PARAGRAF“ VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA (1921): DOMETI I OGRANIÄŒENJA // „TURKISH PARAGRAPH“ OF THE VIDOVDAN CONSTITUTION (1921): SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS , SEAD BANDŽOVIĆ
Among the major consenquences of the World War I, besides huge destructions and human casualties, disappearance of old empires (Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, Rusian and German) and emerge of new states in Europe under international influence can be mentioned. In December 1918 State of Croats, Serbs and Slovenians had united with Kingdom of Serbia and formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (later renamed in Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929). Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a part of this Kingdom, changed its political subjectivity in few phases which was a result of political processes and  internal conflicts of Serbian, Croatian and other politicians. In this paper the focus is put on the Vidovdan Constitution, its promulgation with special review of Article Nr. 135 of this Constitution also known as Turkish Article. This Article managed to preserve teritorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians until 1924. when, according to the other provisions of the Constitution, the process of govermnent establishing had finished and the new centralised governing sistem came into power.
57 ISKORIŠTAVANJE I UNIŠTAVANJE PRIVREDE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U DRUGOM SVJETSKOM RATU // EXPLOITATION AND DESTRUCTION OF ECONOMY BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
Bosnia and Herzegovina was a distinctly agrarian country before World War II. As many as 84.10% of the population lived from agriculture, forestry and fishing. From industry, mining and crafts, 6.70% lived, trade, loans and traffic 3.10%, public services, the liberal professions and the military 3.60%, and other occupations 2.50% population. In World War II, Bosnia and Herzegovina suffered enormous human and material losses. The economy was almost completely destroyed. During the war, 130 major industrial enterprises and 24 mines, 95 sawmills that had 209 gaters were destroyed or damaged, and almost all traffic communications. Most of the agricultural inventory was destroyed and the livestock stock reduced by more than 70%. The school buildings were also spared no destruction. As many as 904, out of 1,043 school buildings, were destroyed and ineligible for teaching. Economic goods destroyed and exploited all military formations, but most of all the German and Italian armies.
58 DRŽAVNA POLITIKA „DIFERENCIJACIJE“ SVEŠTENIKA SRPSKE PRAVOSLAVNE CRKVE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1945-1963) // STATE POLICY OF ”DIFFERENTIATION“ OF PRIESTS OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1945-1963) , DENIS BEĆIROVIĆ
  Addressing the issue of the state policy of separating the "loyal" from the "disloyal" priests of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1945 to 1963 is one of the most neglected issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina's historiography.  In this paper, based on unpublished historical sources and available literature, the author contextualises the political circumstances of the state policy of differentiation of the "positive" from the "reactionary" priests of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing to the motives and policy-makers of such a policy, and analyses its manifestation and effects.  Furthermore, the author separately analyses the causes, motives and flow of the policy of granting state honours and decorations to individual priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
59 OSNIVANJE I DJELATNOST DOMOVA KULTURE I NARODNIH UNIVERZITETA U SJEVEROISTOÄŒNOJ BOSNI U PRVIM GODINAMA “NOVE JUGOSLAVIJE” // ESTABLISHMENT AND ACTIVITY OF CULTURE CENTERS AND PEOPLE'S UNIVERSITIES IN NORTHEASTERN BOSNIA IN THE FIRST YEARS OF „NEW YUGOSLAVIA“ , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
Cultural and educational work after the Second World War in northeastern Bosnia, in addition to cultural, educational and artistic societies, took place in various cultural institutions, where cultural centers and public universities stand out. The houses of culture, in cooperation with societies, universities and various cultural and educational sections, organized events, lectures and various cultural and educational contents. Their importance was especially pronounced in the smaller rural areas of northeastern Bosnia, where they were the center of cultural and educational work. People's universities, as cultural and educational institutions, were supposed to nurture scientific and lecturing work, and to politically enlighten the population of urban and rural areas of northeastern Bosnia through various lectures. In essence, public universities were public schools in which ideologically appropriate lectures with various topics were mostly held and they played a significant role in the creation of a socialist society. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to point out the role and importance of the establishment of these cultural and educational institutions in northeastern Bosnia, and their overall contribution to the cultural and educational awareness of the population of northeastern Bosnia.
60 OSNIVANJE I POÄŒETAK DJELOVANJA KULTURNOG DRUŠTVA BOŠNJAKA “PREPOROD” U OSIJEKU POSLIJE DRUGOG SVJETSKOG RATA // ESTABLISHMENT AND INITIAL ACTIVITIES OF THE CULTURAL SOCIETY OF BOSNIAKS “PREPOROD” (“REVIVAL”) IN OSIJEK AFTER WORLD WAR II , SEMIR HADŽIMUSIĆ
There are few scientific papers or books written about the establishment and activities of the Cultural Society of Bosniaks (Muslims) "Preporod" in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1945-1949. There are almost no relevant published research on this topic in the historiography of Bosnia and Herzegovina so far. The author explains, based on the primary historical sources, the establishment and initial activities of Preporod’s local committee (board) in Osijek (Croatia) during the first half of 1946. This committee was one of three Preporod’s commitees located outside of Bosnia and Herzegovina
61 JEDAN UNUTARPARTIJSKI SPOR POÄŒETKOM 1970-IH GODINA. SLUÄŒAJ PAŠAGE MANDŽIĆA I TUZLANSKE GRUPE // AN INTRAPARTY DISPUTE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 1970s. THE CASE OF PASAGA MANDZIC AND TUZLA GROUP , DŽENITA SARAÄŒ-RUJANAC
In this paper, the author emphasizes the specific case of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian intraparty dispute in the context of the reconstruction of the republican leaderships in Yugoslavia, the change of “Croatian Spring participants” and “liberals” as well as the so-called “senior cadres” at the beginning of 1970s. Pasaga Mandzic's years-long dispute with the current political leadership in Tuzla and also in the Republic will touch upon various issues, from plans and results of economic and urban development, integration of enterprises, organization and activities of political and party leadership to establishing the "historical truth" about the events throughout the war years 1941 and 1942. Considering the current socio-political discourse, Mandzic will come out very boldly, demanding that it is finally time to "speak openly" about the actual war events, the consequences of Partisan-Chetnik cooperation at the end of 1941, the dominance of the Serb element in the communist leadership and its attitude towards the Bosniaks during the war, but also in the post-war period. The insistence on establishing the "real truth" entailed a revision of the existing image of a "glorious war past", which also raised the question of consistent application of the principles of brotherhood and unity. Ultimately, years of clarification resulted in the political elimination and moral discredit of Pasaga Mandzic.
62 DETERMINACIJA NEPRIJATELJA U DIREKTIVAMA GLAVNOG ŠTABA I VRHOVNE KOMANDE VOJSKE REPUBLIKE SRPSKE // DETERMINING THE IDENTITY OF THE ENEMY IN THE DIRECTIVES OF THE MAIN HEADQUARTERS AND THE HIGH COMMAND OF THE ARMY OF REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA , MESUD ŠADINLIJA
Among the numerous open questions of contemporary historiography regarding the breakdown of Yugoslavia and its consequences, the issues connected to the post-Yugoslav wars still cause the most disputes. Even in the case of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, waged from 1992 to 1995, all of the important questions concerning its causes, character and consequences, are still considered open, whereby the dubious interpretative discourses are often constructed on the basis of an approach which is founded on the narrowing of the jointly observed historical phenomena. The attempts to construct and legitimize the corresponding particular interpretations of the character of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina through a narrow and selective approach applied in the identifications of the warring sides and their mutual relations are not rare. In such situations the most reliable methodological approach in the framework of historical science is to return the focus from the level of interpretation to the historical sources, their analysis, determining the authenticity and relevance for the collection of issues in question. In this work we will dedicate our attention to the directives of the Main Headquarters and the High Command of the Army of Republic of Srpska issued during 1992-1995 in those parts in which these documents perform the identification and determination of the enemy.
63 FENOMEN APSTINENCIJE U DEMOKRATSKIM IZBORIMA S OSVRTOM NA OPĆE IZBORE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI // PHENOMENON OF ABSTINENCE IN DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS WITH REFERENCE TO THE GENERAL ELECTIONS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA , AMIR AHMETOVIĆ
Abstinence is a conscious and voluntary waiver of one original political right, the right to vote. Often, the very act of abstinence is understood as a kind of election, as an expression of disagreement with political alternatives, candidates and parties participating in the elections. Abstinence is close to the notion of apolitical, that is the disinterest and indifference of citizens, of individuals and groups to politics and participation in the political life of the community. The paper analyzes the difference between abstinence in elections and apoliticality and attempts to point to the problem of increasing abstinence from voting in general elections in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina.
64 POJAM I OBILJEŽJA NASLJEĐIVANJA U RIMSKOM PRAVU // THE CONCEPT AND CHARACTERISTICS OF INHERITANCE IN ROMAN LAW , AJDIN HUSEINSPAHIĆ, ESAD ORUČ
Bosnia and Herzegovina belongs to the circle of countries of the Romano-Germanic legal system, and whose roots go back to the time of the ancient Roman leges regiae. In this paper, we present the concept of the development of inheritance law from the original institutes, which over time became very inefficient. Thus, the original agnatic kinship, which was the main reason for inheriting and constituting legal inheritance orders, was upgraded with cognate kinship even in the period of the development of part-time law. At the same time, both types of kinship existed in parallel, so that the final cognate kinship in the last phase of the development of law would be the only type of kinship that was relevant in inheritance-legal relations. Over time, Roman citizens put pressure on the authorities to enact regulations that would replace inefficient institutions of inheritance law with more efficient and socially acceptable ones. How the authorities in ancient Rome dealt with the legal illogicalities and inefficient institutes by replacing them with more efficient ones is shown in the paper before you.
65 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Prof. dr. Izet Šabotić, ÄŒIFÄŒIJSKI ODNOSI I PROMJENA VLASNIŠTVA NAD ZEMLJOM U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1878-1918), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 320 str. , NADA TOMOVIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Prof. dr. Izet Šabotić, ÄŒIFÄŒIJSKI ODNOSI I PROMJENA VLASNIŠTVA NAD ZEMLJOM U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1878-1918), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 320 str.
66 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Senaid Hadžić, Adnan Velagić, BALKANSKA PRASKOZORJA: OD IDEJÄ€ DO UJEDINJENÄ€. JUGOISTOÄŒNA EVROPA U „DUGOM“ 19. STOLJEĆU (1790-1918), Mostar 2019, 490 str. , AMIR KRPIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Senaid Hadžić, Adnan Velagić, BALKANSKA PRASKOZORJA: OD IDEJÄ€ DO UJEDINJENÄ€. JUGOISTOÄŒNA EVROPA U „DUGOM“ 19. STOLJEĆU (1790-1918), Mostar 2019, 490 str.
67 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Valerijan Žujo, DOKTOR KAREL BAYER, Nacionalna i Univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2020, 178 str. , OMER MERZIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Valerijan Žujo, DOKTOR KAREL BAYER, Nacionalna i Univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2020, 178 str.
68 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Izet Šabotić, ŽIVOT, LJUDI I DOGAĐAJI: Tuzla na razmeÄ‘u 19. i 20. stoljeća, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije, Tuzla 2019, 383 str. , HADŽIJA HADŽIABDIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Izet Šabotić, ŽIVOT, LJUDI I DOGAĐAJI: Tuzla na razmeÄ‘u 19. i 20. stoljeća, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije, Tuzla 2019, 383 str.
69 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Marko Attila Hoare, BOSANSKI MUSLIMANI U DRUGOM SVJETSKOM RATU, Vrijeme, Zenica 2019, 539 str. , IBRAHIM KABIL
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Marko Attila Hoare, BOSANSKI MUSLIMANI U DRUGOM SVJETSKOM RATU, Vrijeme, Zenica 2019, 539 str.
70 PRIKAZ/REVIEW Salih Jalimam, KULIN. VELIKI BAN BOSNE, Udruženje za zaštitu intelektualnih i kulturnih vrijednosti „Zenica“ Zenica 2019, 249 str. , ADNAN HADŽIABDIĆ
PRIKAZ/REVIEW Salih Jalimam, KULIN. VELIKI BAN BOSNE, Udruženje za zaštitu intelektualnih i kulturnih vrijednosti „Zenica“ Zenica 2019, 249 str.
71 IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa MeÄ‘unarodne naučne konferencije “MIGRACIJE I NJIHOV UTICAJ NA DRUŠTVENA I PRIVREDNA KRETANJA NA ŠIREM PODRUÄŒJU BRÄŒKOG OD POÄŒETKA XVII DO KRAJA XX STOLJEĆA”, Brčko, 13. i 14. septembar 2019. godine , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa MeÄ‘unarodne naučne konferencije “MIGRACIJE I NJIHOV UTICAJ NA DRUŠTVENA I PRIVREDNA KRETANJA NA ŠIREM PODRUÄŒJU BRÄŒKOG OD POÄŒETKA XVII DO KRAJA XX STOLJEĆA”, Brčko, 13. i 14. septembar 2019. godine
72       IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa MeÄ‘unarodne naučne konferencije “PRAVNE I POLITIÄŒKE POSLJEDICE DEKLARACIJE O PROGLAŠENJU REPUBLIKE SRPSKOG NARODA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE 9. JANUARA 1992. GODINE“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020. godine , ADNAN TINJIĆ
IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa MeÄ‘unarodne naučne konferencije “PRAVNE I POLITIÄŒKE POSLJEDICE DEKLARACIJE O PROGLAŠENJU REPUBLIKE SRPSKOG NARODA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE 9. JANUARA 1992. GODINE“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020. godine
73 UTICAJ OMER LUTFI PAŠINIH REFORMI IZ 1851. GODINE NA KADILUK BIHOR//THE INFLUENCE OF THE OMER LUTFI PASHA'S REFORMS FROM 1851. ON KADILUK BIHOR , SAIT Š. ŠABOTIĆ                            
Already with the defeat at Vienna in 1683. the Ottoman court became aware of the need to adapt to the Western world. The necessity of establishing harmonious relations between the Muslim and non-Muslim populations imposed the undertaking of a series of reforms, which came to full expression with the coming to power of Sultan Mahmud II, who created the conditions for the social modernization of the Ottoman Empire. The enactment of Haticerif by Gulhana in 1839, which formally equated Muslim and non-Muslim subjects in rights, opened the door for further reforms that imposed themselves as a historical necessity, and much less as a result of pressure from the great powers. Under the influence of their thinkers, the population of the Ottoman Empire has been emphasizing its demands for the establishment of a regime that would enable a greater degree of democracy and freedom, which would create conditions for freer trade and better education, since Haticerif of Gulhana. A big problem was also the finances that needed to be reformed in a way to achieve productivity. With such demands, Ottoman society embarked on reforms that remained known as the Tanzimat. It was a time when "ruin and progress were tackled", hence the conclusion that it was the "longest life" of the Ottoman Empire. The planned reforms were particularly difficult to implement in the Balkan provinces. The central Ottoman government showed a lot of inability to quell the local uprisings, regardless of whether they were of a social or national character. A major obstacle in that process was the interference of European powers, which in that way realized their interests and considered the Balkan states as their sphere of influence. Apart from political issues, the difficult situation was also felt in the field of agriculture. Primitive cattle breeding and traditional agriculture could not provide the conditions for meeting all other living needs, which is why the demands of the broadest strata of the population were aimed at liberalization and removing barriers that could lead to the presence of any dependence, especially from greengrocers.  In addition to the presence of progressive forces, there were also stubborn structures of society in the Ottoman Empire that wanted to preserve the system that was present before the implementation of reforms. Resistance to the use of Tanzimat in the middle of the 19th century was very pronounced in the Ottoman provinces in the Balkans. In that sense, the reactions of the rural population from the area of ​​the kadiluks Bihor and Rožaj were not absent, primarily to the application of certain decisions in the field of agrarian relations. The key measure was the introduction of tithing, which was considered another new tax among the poorer strata. The response to this measure of the central government was an armed uprising that broke out in 1851. in Bihor and the Rožaje region. It was brutally quelled by military units under the command of Omer Lutfi-pasha. The aim of this paper is precisely to present the circumstances in which this revolt took place and to point out its consequences. While the mentioned riots lasted, Omer Lutfi-pasha carried out certain administrative reforms on the territory of the Bosnian eyalet, which also had their reflections in the area of ​​the Bihor kadiluk. With a stronger connection to the Bosnian eyalet, the kadiluk Bihor with Trgovište (Rožaje) will be formed in its next period as an integral part of that area, and in the spirit of the decisions made in Sarajevo as the new seat of the Bosnian vali.
74 POLOŽAJ I NADLEŽNOSTI KADIJE U OSMANSKOM PRAVNOM SISTEMU//THE POSITION AND COMPETENCIES OF QADIS IN OTTOMAN LEGAL SYSTEM , SEAD BANDŽOVIĆ
Qadis were representatives of judicial branch in Ottoman Empire. The origin of this legal institute comes from the early development phase of islamic state – Omeyyad dinasty when the first rulers and later caliphs apointed qadis for solving disputes. For their appointment in Ottoman Empire qadiasker (military judges) were competent. Each of these judges appointed qadis and religious scolars (muderis) in their area of administration: Rumelian or Anatolian.  As members of ulema (religious scolars) qadis enjoyed huge reputation in Ottoman Empire with high degree of independence and integrity in their work. The area under qadis jurisdiction was called kadiluk (or kaza). One sanjak (bigger administrative unit in Ottoman Empire) could be divided in more kadiluks depending on density of muslim population. Qadis were engaged in solving marriage, family and other disputes, regulating prices on the market, securing the public order, control over mosques, religious schools, public bathrooms, orphanages, roads  and other legal duties. Together with muhtesibs they controlled the procurement in cities where they served and also in giving the waqf land into lease (mukat). Qadis were educated in medresas (seymaniye schools) and depending on their competence and knowledge they could go further on higher positions in Ottoman legal and administrative system. Beside the implementation of Sharia Law, functions of Qadi was also specific due to the judicial procedure. Ottoman criminal law made a difference between criminal offences against the rights of individuals (murder, theft) and the one against God – so called Hadd offences (consumation of alcohol, apostasy, slander, illicit sexual intercourses, robbery, rebellion). According to the type of offence the procedure could be started by the impaired person, his relatives or any member of the community since the Ottoman law did not know the institute of public prosecutor. When it comes to the inaction of punishments, the principle of legality was important as also the minimum degree of doubt that the person perpetrated the crime for which he was charged so in cases of incompatibility between offence and sharia law no other legal actions were taken. During the procedure qadis used the principle of justice and  fairness (arabic: hukm, adl, mizan, insaf) where every Muslim had to follow and achieve it in his life. On the other side there was injustice (Zulm). Connected with the justice there was istihsan as a subsidiary source of law. The judging on basis of fairness was inspired by reasons of conciousness which allowed to divert from the current law if it led towards unfair solution. Istihsan was not superior over Sharia law but it represented its constitutive part. Its impelementation allowed Sharia Law to be flexible and to adjust itself to current needs. Qadis who used istihsan could in concrete case retreat from the legal norm, which according to their legal opinion was legally either too narrow or wide, in order to find fair solution. In order to protect other involved parties in procedure different procedural principles (principle of legality, right to defence, prohibition of retroactive application of law) were created where a lot of them are part of todays modern legal systems.
75 SRPSKA NACIONALNA IDEOLOGIJA I PROJEKTI  U OBLASTI KULTURE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI, SA OSVRTOM NA ŠIRE PODRUÄŒJE TUZLE U AUSTROUGARSKOM PERIODU (1878-1918)//SERBIAN NATIONAL IDEOLOGY AND PROJECTS IN THE FIELD OF CULTURE IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, WITH REFERENCE TO THE WIDER AREA OF TUZLA IN THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN PERIOD (1878-1918) , OMER ZULIĆ
Since the middle of the 19th century, Croatian and Serbian national ideas have been systematically and purposefully imposed on Bosnian Orthodox and Catholics in Bosnia. In this way, the Serb and Croat nations are formed on a religious basis in Bosnia. "Serbs" and "Croats" as national-political determinants are introduced into Bosnia from Serbia and Croatia. Their goal is to nationalize the Catholic population in the Croatian, and the Orthodox in the Serbian national sense. In the Austro-Hungarian period, activities in the field of strengthening national identities were also noticeable in the field of culture. Then there is a more massive organization of the population through various forms of cultural, educational, sports, economic and other societies. These associations, formally non-governmental and non-political, operated politically, with the task of executing national movements and strengthening the national consciousness of Orthodox and Catholics. In this way, a religious and ethnic mosaic was formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the mentioned period, which created a kind of forms of national movements. This was especially pronounced among the Orthodox population, which in symbiosis and cooperation of cultural, educational, business associations, and church communities, achieved significant progress and results in terms of national awareness and strengthening national and cultural identity. The goal of founding Serbian singing societies is to nurture and strengthen the Serbian national consciousness through nurturing the church song, through books (enlightenment), song and presentation of Serbian theatrical, and especially historical contents. In this way, the singing societies were the bearers of the national and educational-cultural revival of the Orthodox population. The press played a significant role in political action and the spread of national ideas and aspirations. Namely, the press was the most suitable form in terms of spreading ideas and strengthening the national-religious identity, primarily among the Orthodox, but also the rest of the population. Therefore, the occupation authorities strictly controlled and approved the establishment of printing houses with strict checks. Nevertheless, this was not an obstacle for certain newspapers to emphasize their political views and commitments through columns, which is why some were banned, as is the case with the Tuzla newspaper, called "Serbian Movement", which was banned in 1914. Theaters in this period were also very suitable for action on the national-political level. The primary goal of the theater's activities was not cultural uplifting, but agitation in order to develop national consciousness, primarily among the Orthodox population, and in that sense of action against the occupying authorities, but also Bosnia and Herzegovina. Traveling theaters primarily gave performances of historical themes, with the aim of igniting national consciousness, among the Orthodox. Therefore, this paper aims to point out the reflections, primarily of Serbian national-political aspirations in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to Tuzla, in the Austro-Hungarian period.
76 IZBORI  U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI ZA KONSTITUANTU KRALJEVINE SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA I PRETVARANJE DRUŠTVENIH RASCJEPA U POLITIÄŒKE PODJELE//ELECTIONS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FOR THE CONSTITUTION ASSEMBLY OF THE KINGDOMS OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF SOCIAL SPLITS INTO POLITICAL DIVISIONS , AMIR AHMETOVIĆ
Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values ​​on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
77 SRPSKA I HRVATSKA VELIKODRŽAVNA POLITIKA I ODNOS PREMA BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NA PRIMJERU UDŽBENIKA HISTORIJE//SERBIAN AND CROATIAN GREAT STATE POLICY AND ATTITUDE TOWARDS BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ON THE EXAMPLE OF HISTORY TEXTBOOKS , MIRZA ČEHAJIĆ
Textbook literature is not only an interesting object of research, but also a kind of mirror of the society that produces them. In a way, they represent the basic source of knowledge for students, and their content represents a certain type of absolute truth or canonized knowledge. This is especially true for history textbooks, which show students what memory state systems not only recommend but also determine. This means that such textbooks are a reflection of the official attitude towards the past, so they are one of the most powerful instruments of action on the collective consciousness of young people, but also society as a whole. Namely, the "truth" that is built into school textbooks inevitably becomes a "living truth", having in mind the age and quantity of the reader's body. It does not take much intellectual effort to properly understand, then, the potential energy that ethnic prejudices loaded in this way, based on historical myths, half-truths and untruths, carry with them. Textbooks from Serbia and Croatia were imported and used in Bosnia and Herzegovina for a while, and in recent years the contents of textbooks from the mentioned countries have served as a template for the production of textbooks that are printed and published in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In all such textbooks, examples have been identified in which entire teaching units are dedicated to events, personalities and locations that are not from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, for example, in terms of belonging to Bosnia and Herzegovina, negative examples dominate and the analyzed textbooks do not encourage the creation of a sense of a common heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, students do not develop critical thinking, and explanations of historical-political processes are burdened with political interpretations that largely support valid auto and hetero-stereotypes. Policy options and processes are presented in a way that continues to support established attitudes about what has happened in the past, and current stereotypes about one's own and other peoples and their role in those processes. Having in mind, therefore, that the textbook content necessarily reflects the dominant ideology and current government policy, we tried to use the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to question the political function of the textbook, more precisely to show indicators of paternalistic attitude towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which are generated through Serbian and Croatian education system both in the home countries and in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself. The question that is specifically posed here is twofold: To what extent are conflicts and ethnic tensions, which have been present in all societies throughout history, reflected in school textbooks, and to what extent do school textbooks themselves convey these conflicts. The latter entails further sub-questions, such as the extent to which the textbook medium intensifies conflicts and the extent to which it calms and breaks them down. The topic itself is very broad and almost forces it to be sketched in such a small space only theoretically, which is less useful. Therefore, attention will be focused here on selected specific examples that deal with individual historical events, which are the subject of public debate, or conflict between Serbian and Croatian historiography when it comes to the origin and affiliation of the population and state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, this paper presents an "interpretation of the interpreted", with the prevalent use of secondary literature, given through a review of the opinions of selected authors. In doing so, an effort was made to consistently apply comparative analysis, to show and expose all the diversity of approaches of individual national and nationalist discourses.
78 BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U KONCEPCIJAMA SRPSKOG KULTURNOG KLUBA//BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN SERBIAN CULTURAL CLUB CONCEPTS , OSMAN SUŠIĆ
This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the  Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state  and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the  Chetniks Movement in the  Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state.             The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media.             Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa ÄŒubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir ÄŒorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović.             The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations.             After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness".             The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of  Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of ​​a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.
79 POLITIKA I HISTORIJSKI REVIZIONIZAM: TOKOVI RELATIVIZACIJE KOLABORACIONIZMA I NORMALIZACIJE „RAVNOGORSKOG ANTIFAŠIZMA“// POLITICS AND HISTORICAL REVISIONISM: FLOWS OF RELATIVIZATION OF COLLABORATIONISM AND NORMALIZATION OF „RAVNA GORA ANTI-FASCISM“ , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.
80 POLITIÄŒKE I DRUŠTVENO-EKONOMSKE PROMJENE U BIJELJINI OD 1945. DO 1953. GODINE//POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHANGES IN BIJELJINA FROM 1945. TO 1953 . , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
The author writes about political and socio-economic changes in Bijeljina from 1945 to 1953. After the Second World War, the area of ​​Bijeljina was part of the Tuzla District. Since 1949, Bijeljina has been an integral part of the Tuzla region, and since 1952, it has been one of the 66 districts of the People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The area of ​​Bijeljina consisted of the District of Bijeljina and the City of Bijeljina. After the Second World War, the new government faced many problems: lack of adequate communication between lower and higher authorities, organization and accommodation of counties, feeding the population, buying grain, sowing, repatriation of refugees, assistance to the disabled, health problems, education, etc. In the 1945 election campaign, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) prevented the participation of civic parties in various ways. The regime spied on its political and ideological opponents. Citizens were afraid that they would be arrested as "enemies of the people" and punished. Numerous opponents of the Popular Front were removed from the voter lists. The first elections in the socialist of Yugoslavia were held on November 11, 1945. In the elections, they voted for the list of the Popular Front and the box without the list ("blank box"). The list of the Popular Front, which also included "verified" members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, won convincingly. In the Bijeljina district, 27,018 voters were registered to vote. 25,188 or 93.23% of the total number of registered voters voted. Candidate of the People's Front for the Federal Assembly of the Yugoslavia from the Bijeljina District, dr. Vojislav Kecmanović received 24,419 votes (96.95%), while the box without a list won 769 votes (3.05%). The list of the Popular Front for the Assembly of Peoples of the Yugoslavia was also "convincing" in these elections. The list won 24,457 votes or 97.10% of the total number of voters who went to the polls, while the box without the list won 731 votes or 2.90%. In the total population of Bijeljina, women were more numerous than men and made up 52.24% of the population of the District and 52.29% of the population of the City. Women played an important role in the socio-economic, cultural and educational life of Bijeljina. Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats and members of other nations lived together in the area of ​​Bijeljina, and the number of inhabitants was continuously increasing. In 1948 there were 77,482 inhabitants and in 1953, 86,865 inhabitants which was an increase of 9,383 persons or 11.49%. Serbs made up the majority in Bijeljina County (80%) and Bosniaks in Grad (52%). He is in Bijeljina, in 1948, there were 51,031 persons or 65.86% of the population without education, 24,160 persons or 31.18% with completed primary school, and 1,649 persons or 2.13% of the population with lower secondary school. 565 persons or 0.73% had completed secondary school, and 73 persons or 0.09% of the population of Bijeljina had completed college and university. There were 32,522 women or 63.73% of the total number of persons without education and 18,509 men or 36.27% without education. In addition, the literacy of the population was at a very low level. As many as 22,139 or 37.76% of people over the age of nine were illiterate. In the area of ​​Bijeljina, in the period 1945-1953. year, the number of primary schools increased from 34, 1946, to 53, 1953. In addition to primary schools, there were other schools: Teacher's, Gymnasium, Agricultural High School. With such a population structure in Bijeljina, the reconstruction and the first five-year plan were carried out very ambitiously. Significant economic changes were made in this period (1945-1953). These changes are visible in the field of crafts, trade, catering, agriculture.
81 DOPRINOS RADNIÄŒKOG KULTURNO-UMJETNIÄŒKOG DRUŠTVA „MITAR TRIFUNOVIĆ - UÄŒO“  KULTURNOM ŽIVOTU TUZLE I NJENE OKOLINE (1945-1953)//CONTRIBUTION OF THE WORKERS' CULTURAL AND ART SOCIETY „MITAR TRIFUNOVIĆ – UÄŒO“  TO CULTURAL LIFE OF TUZLA AND ITS SURROUNDINGS (1945-1953)   , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
After the Second World War, great changes took place in the cultural field. The CPY has turned the changes that have taken place in the field of educational and cultural policy into an instrument for achieving ideological goals and spreading one's own political ideas. A significant part of the cultural and artistic life of Bosnia and Herzegovina, northeastern Bosnia, and Tuzla took place through sections of societies that were mainly labeled national, workers', officials, rural and school amateurs. Cultural activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina were partly carried out through national cultural and educational societies, among Bosniaks „Preporod“, among Serbs „Prosvjeta“, and among Croats „Napredak“. Founded with the aim of educating the people and creating intelligence in their national corps, the societies eventually expanded their activities to organize illiteracy courses, establish libraries, reading rooms, cooperatives, cultural sections, and engage in publishing. National cultural and educational societies quickly came under attack from the state, where the cultural and educational work of societies began to be centralized with the formation of district and city associations of cultural and educational societies, and the final liquidation of national cultural and educational societies took place in March 1949. In addition to the renewed national societies, cultural and artistic activities were also performed by singing choirs, theater and artistic groups that were founded during the war, and workers' cultural and artistic societies began to be established. One of them is the workers' cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“, founded in 1945 in Tuzla. The society was named after a hero and a famous fighter for workers' rights, who gave his life for freedom. The action committee for founding the company consisted of: president Aljo Mutevelić, treasurer Pašaga Bećirbašić, secretary Hashim Mutevelić and two councilors Mustafa Tinjić and Mehmedalija Hukić. In the first five months, the company „Mitar Trifunović Učo“ gave six performances. During 1946, the workers' cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ had notable performances at performances and concerts. In 1947, this society gave numerous events and participated in various ceremonies, and among others visited the builders of the Šamac-Sarajevo railway, participated in the opening ceremony of the Stupari-Kladanj railway, and had several guest appearances in Banovići, Zenica and Zavidovići, then Tešanj and Teslić. In 1948, the workers' cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ had 39 performances. The beginning of 1948 was a turning point in the work of this society. At the beginning of 1948, the company organized its management, organized better work in all its sections, so that each section got its own manager. In addition, the material conditions were arranged, the necessary inventory, clothes and technical material were procured. The work of the society had almost completely died down since September 1948. No section of this society worked, only the choir and orchestra somehow performed, starting to get ready when it was time to go to festivals or festivals. The society was without any of its premises, also without the heads of individual sections. Despite the assistance provided by the City Association to society, the work in the company was still unsatisfactory, which meant that the assistance of the City Association and the assistance of the Trade Union Council was not complete and that in the future the greatest attention had to be paid they threaten even greater activation of society. In 1949, new and more extensive tasks were set before the society, primarily the establishment and strengthening of the work of all sections, choir, drama, choreography, music, recitation and pioneer sections. In 1950, the workers' cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ was proclaimed the best association of the Tuzla Basin. Sections of the society participated in numerous performances, of which singing and tamburitza at 6, folklore at 3 and theater at 6 performances. The company had four halls and one small room. During 1951, the cultural and artistic association „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ had great difficulties with the premises. There was a move from the former Workers' Home to the former Croatian Home. As a result, the company did not work for several months. The years 1952 and 1953 were the years of great „Ucina“ successes. The biggest problem in the society was the development of social life in the society and only the revival of the membership, which came only for rehearsals, and then left, not staying in the premises of the society.
82 ULOGA FABRIKE „BRATSTVO“ U RAZVOJU NOVOG TRAVNIKA//THE ROLE OF THE FACTORY „BRATSTVO“ (BROTHERHOOD) IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF NOVI TRAVNIK , MIRZA DŽANANOVIĆ
The establishment of the socialist regime had led to thorough political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first decade after the Second World War was marked by the reconstruction of the war-torn country, and great support in that process was provided by the USSR - the main ally of the new Yugoslavia. Emphasis was placed on the intensive development of the industry, which was to be the carrier of the overall economic development of the entire country. In accordance with this strategy, large industrial plants were established in all parts of Yugoslavia, thanks to which there was an intensive process of urbanization of numerous previously dormant communities. However, when there was a conflict and then a break with the USSR, Yugoslavia was forced to partially modify its economic development plans (the so-called Five-Year Plans). These changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina were most felt by cities such as Zenica, which instead of the originally planned Doboj became a Yugoslav metallurgical center, and Novi Travnik, which arose as a result of relocating part of the arms industry from Kragujevac in Serbia to central Bosnia. The factory “Bratstvo" (meaning Brotherhood) was built on a deserted meadow near Travnik in the heart of central Bosnia, and for the needs of housing workers who built industrial plants, as well as for those who worked in those plants, the first residential buildings were built in the form of low-quality wooden barracks. These were the roots of the workers' settlement that gradually grew into a new town called Novi Travnik. The fateful link between the factory and the city, which was established at that time, was not interrupted during the entire socialist period, so the survival and development of Novi Travnik completely depended on the business opportunities in the "Bratstvo" factory. The expansion of the production and plant of the "Bratstvo" also included the construction of new housing, communal, social, health, sports, cultural, catering and other facilities in Novi Travnik. A successful business year in "Bratstvo" meant a secure inflow of money into the local community budget as well as a sufficient number of funds for the work of cultural, artistic, entertainment, sports and all other societies in the city. The same rule applied in the case of bad business of "Bratstvo", and the most obvious example of how important the factory was for Novi Travnik can be seen in the case of a failed business in Ghana. The local authorities in Novi Travnik were absolutely aware of the role of the "Brotherhood" in the development of Novi Travnik and tried in every way to facilitate the functioning of the company, so, except for a few mere misunderstandings, relations between city and factory management were mostly friendly. After all, when the survival of the "Bratstvo" was called into question due to the failed business in Ghana, local authorities were among the first to appeal for the company's salvation, clearly noting that with the disappearance of the factory, the fate of Novi Travnik would be sealed. The paper presents a brief overview of the history of the company "Bratstvo" from its founding in June 1949 until the end of the socialist period in 1990, and analyses the relations between the city and factory authorities in that period. The aim of the paper was to show the importance that the factory "Bratstvo" had for the overall development of Novi Travnik and to determine how much the local authorities were aware of the role of companies in the development of the city. The paper provides insight into the processes that took place in a particular local community, but which can also be found in other industrial cities of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Yugoslavia during the socialist period.
83 UDRUŽENI ZLOÄŒINAÄŒKI PODUHVAT – BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U HRVATSKOM VELIKODRŽAVNOM PROJEKTU//JOINT CRIMINAL ENTERPRISE - BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN CROATIA'S GREAT STATE PROJECT , MELDIJANA ARNAUT HASELJIĆ
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY / ICTY) has indicted Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić. Indictees are charged with individual criminal responsibility (Article 7 (1) of the Statute) and criminal responsibility of a superior (Article 7 (3) of the Statute) for crimes against humanity: persecution on political, racial and religious grounds; killing; rape; deportation; inhumane acts; inhumane acts (forcible transfer); inhumane acts (conditions of detention); imprisonment, violations of the laws or customs of war: cruel treatment; cruel treatment (conditions of detention); illegal physical labor; reckless destruction of towns, settlements or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity; destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education; looting of public and private property; unlawful attack on civilians (Mostar); unlawful terrorism of civilians (Mostar); cruel treatment (siege of Mostar), violations of the Geneva Conventions: willful deprivation of life; inhuman treatment (sexual abuse); unlawful deportation of civilians; illegal transfer of civilians; unlawful detention of civilians; inhuman treatment; inhuman treatment (conditions of detention); destruction of large-scale property that is not justified by military necessity, and was carried out illegally and recklessly; confiscation of property that is not justified by military necessity, and was performed illegally and ruthlessly. The trial began on April 26, 2006. The Trial Chamber's judgment of 29 May 2013 concluded that the conflict between the Croatian Army / Croatian Defense Council (HV / HVO) and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) was of an international character. The factual evidence unequivocally showed that HV forces fought together with HVO members against ARBiH, and that the Republic of Croatia exercised general control over the armed forces and civilian authorities of the Croatian Community/Croatian Republic (HZ/HR) of Herceg-Bosna. The Council also found that there was a joint criminal enterprise (JCE) with the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity, partly within the 1939 Croatian Banovina, to enable the unification of the Croatian people. The ultimate goal was the annexation of this area to the territory of the Republic of Croatia in case of disintegration of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (which corresponded to great state claims), or alternatively to make this area an independent state within Bosnia and Herzegovina, closely connected with Croatia. As early as December 1991, members of the HZ Herceg-Bosna leadership (including Mate Boban, president of HZ/HR Herceg-Bosna) and Croatian leaders (including Franjo TuÄ‘man, president of Croatia) assessed that in order to achieve the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity it is necessary to change the national composition of the population in the areas that were calculated to be part of it. JCE participants knew that achieving this goal means removing the Bosniak population from the area of the so-called Herceg-Bosna and that it is in contradiction with the peace negotiations that were held in Geneva. Numerous crimes committed from January 1993 to April 1994 indicate an obvious pattern of behavior where the commission of a crime was the outcome of a plan prepared by JCE participants. The Trial Chamber found that all persons covered by the Indictment made a significant contribution to the implementation of the JCE and that their contribution indicated that they had the intent to pursue a common criminal purpose. Following consideration of the Appeals filed by the Prosecution and the Defense of the Convicts, the ICTY Appeals Chamber issued a final Judgment on 29 November 2017 against Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić, declaring them liable for the joint criminal enterprise in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This appellate judgment upheld the convictions handed down by the ICTY Trial Chamber in May 2013. In addition to participating in a joint criminal enterprise, the Appeals Chamber upheld responsibility for killings, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportations, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhumane treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians, and individually for rape and sexual abuse. The verdict confirmed that the participants from Croatia in the joint criminal enterprise were Franjo Tudman, Janko Bobetko and Gojko Šušak. From the presented evidence it was concluded that the leaders of HZ/RHB, including Mato Boban, and the leaders of the Republic of Croatia, including Franjo Tudjman, in December 1991 assessed that the long-term political goal was to achieve the unification of the Croatian people entities, within the borders of the Banovina of Croatia from 1939, it is necessary to carry out “ethnic cleansing” in the territories that were claimed to belong to the HZ/RHB. Evidence confirms that a joint criminal enterprise has been established to achieve the political goal. In this context, it was established that Franjo Tudjman advocated the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croatia and Serbia by annexing part of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia or, if this was not possible, by establishing an autonomous Croatian territory that would be closely connected with Croatia. Prlić, Stojić, Praljak, Petković, Ćorić, and Pušić were convicted of crimes against humanity, violations of the laws or customs of war and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, specifically murder, willful deprivation of life, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportation, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhuman treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, looting and confiscation of public and private property under the third category of liability for participation in JCE destruction or intentional infliction damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians. In addition, Prlić, Stojić, Petković and Ćorić were convicted of rape and inhuman treatment (sexual abuse). Ćorić was additionally convicted for several crimes for which he is responsible as a superior.
84 VIŠEGRADSKI ZLOÄŒINAÄŒKI KRVAVI PIROVI – JUÄŒER, DANAS, SUTRA//VISEGRADS CRIMINAL, BLOODY REVELS  – YESTERDAY, TODAY, TOMORROW , ERMIN KUKA, HAMZA MEMIŠEVIĆ
Main goal of Serbian ideology, policy, practice, starting from the late XVIII until the beginning of XIX century is creation of a clean, pure and ethnic Serbian country so called Great Serbia. In such country idealists also included the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile that is achievable only by committing heinous crimes including the Bosnian Genocide. Because of the Visegrads Geostrategic position the city is crucial for Serbian plans, aggressors and criminals tried by any means to form ethnically clean territory, not choosing the means or tools in the attempt of achieving that goal. Highest point of those crimes happened during the second world war 1941-1945, also in the time of aggression on Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. Numerous mass and individual killings, extermination, enslavement, deportations and / or forcible transfer of the Bosniak population, imprisonment and other forms of deprivation of liberty committed in violation of basic rules of international law constitute a long and sad list of criminal and genocidal acts committed against Bosniaks in the Drina Valley, and in the name of the so-called project Great Serbia. In this cycle and history of chetnik misery and inhumanity, the culmination of human malice, evil blood and moral dishonor was against the Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia. Thanks to the hard work of the community and people of the country this evil plan and evil intentions of Serbs ideologists did not come through. Yet they do not give up, furthermore they use new means and methods. In that contest targeting wider area of Visegrad, as a starting point for commencing Great Serbian goals and ideas. That gave birth to the idea that Visegrad is continuously in focus to the leaders and actors of the ideology of Great Serbia, therefore creation of ethnically clean Serbian areas. All this, for a consequence, had a permanent acts of numerous crimes against humanity and international human rights among Bosnians in wider area of Visegrad, from the period of World war 2 and in the time of aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this area number of heinous crimes were committed. One of the consequences of the horrific crimes committed against Bosniaks is a radical change in the ethnic structure of the population in the Visegrad area during the 1992-1995 aggression. In relation to the 1991 Census, when there were 13,471 Bosniaks, according to the 2013 census, 1,043 Bosniaks have registered residence in Visegrad. Still, the area wasn’t ethnically cleansed as in accordance to Serbian ideologists, so this shameful project that’s grounded on crime, continued by new means and methods. Analysis confirmed key marks of aggressive attempts of ideology and policy in creating ethnic clean Serbian territory within area of Visegrad. Research is focused and timely determined on three periods: First during the Second world war 1941-1945, Second, Aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, third period after signing of Dayton’s 1995. still this day. For the purpose of proving the general hypothesis of the research, the methods of analysis and synthesis, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method will be used, and for the purposes of obtaining data, the method of analysis (content) of documents and the case study method. Serbian ideologist still tries to remove all Bosnians from the wider area of Visegrad and by doing so make that town the starting point for the next phases of ethical cleansing of non-Serbian population from walleyes of Drina Conclusion would be under any price secure at first economic conditions for survival of Bosnians on those areas, take a set of measures on economically strengthening Gorazde, as a center of gathering non-Serb population in the walleye of Drina.
85 UÄŒEŠÄ†E VOJSKE JUGOSLAVIJE U NAPADIMA NA SARAJEVO U DECEMBRU 1993. I JANUARU 1994. GODINE – OPERACIJA „PANCIR-2“//THE PARTICIPATION OF THE YUGOSLAV ARMY IN THE ATTACKS ON SARAJEVO IN DECEMBER 1993 AND JANUARY 1994 – OPERATION “PANCIR-2” , MESUD ŠADINLIJA
Before the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, Yugoslavia had created, organized and armed a powerful military structure within the 2nd military area of the Yugoslav People’s Army, which was renamed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in May of 1992. It had also never ceased to fill the ranks, arm, supply, train, equip and finance the Serb army which it had created in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Apart from that, abundant undeniable evidence exists which confirms the direct involvement of the Yugoslav Army as well as the special detachments of the Ministry of internal affairs of Serbia in the acts aimed against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for the whole duration of the war and in different parts of the country. In this work we shall present the motives, intentions, chronology and consequences of the participation of special detachments of the Yugoslav Army and the State Security Agency of Serbia in the attacks on Sarajevo during December 1993 and January 1994. On the eve of the conclusion of the Geneva peace talks on the basis of the Owen-Stoltenberg plan, the Serb political and military leadership, expecting further pressure directed towards the signing of the peace treaty and withdrawal from the territory that the Serb forces had taken, reached a decision to strenghen their positions during December 1993. As for the whole duration of the war, Sarajevo was considered to be the strategically most important area, so a military operation “PANCIR-2” was devised, prepared and executed with the aim of taking the key objects of Sarajevo’s defence, which would force the opposition to accept a partition of the city. The forces of the Sarajevo-Romanija corps, and a brigade each from the Hercegovački and 1st Krajiški corps of the Army of the Republic of Srpska were engaged in this operation. From the composition of the Yugoslav Army, parts of the Special detachment corps were involved, with the support of charge and transport helicopters. The operation was planned in two stages, whereby the first had the aim to establish control over the following objects: Žuč, Orlić, Hum and Mojmilo, while the second stage had to result with established control over Hrasnica and Butmir. Units from the composition of the Special detachment corps of the Yugoslav Army initiated the execution of their task from Belgrade on 16 December 1993. The striking part was made up from members of the 72nd Special Brigade, with parts of other special detachments: Guards Motorized Brigade, Armoured Brigade and 63. Paratroops Brigade from Niš. The combined composition of the special detachments of the Yugoslav Army of 320 men represented the core of the fighting group from the composition of the Sarajevo-Romanija Corps, numbering a total of 3,000 fighters, and representing the main part of the Serb forces within the “PANCIR-2” operation. Colonel Milorad Stupar, the commander of the 72nd Special Brigade of the Yugoslav Army, was named as commander of the fighting group. The attacks of Serb forces, with the participation of Special detachments of the Yugoslav Army and State Security Agency of Serbia, in their first phase lasted from 21 to 27 December 1993, when the 72nd Special Brigade suffered a heavy defeat in the battles on Betanija and Orahov Brijeg. Due to the suffered losses, this detachment was incapable of further military action and it was ordered to retreat to Belgrade. Instead of it, parts of the Guards Motorized Brigade were directed into VogošÄ‡a. During January, these units were engaged in battle activities of somewhat diminished intensity on the lines of Sarajevo’s defence, because in the meantime the focus of the fighting was again shifted towards the Olovo-Vareš battlefield. Active participation of the units of the Yugoslav Army in the “PANCIR-2” operation was discontinued by the end of January 1994. Their return to Belgrade was executed on 28 and 29 January in three marching columns with 45 vehicles, 3 tanks, 2 armoured vehicles, 2 self-propelled anti-aircraft guns PRAGA and one engineering machine.
86 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“ Guillaume Ancel, VENT GLACIAL SUR SARAJEVO, (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str. , RAMIZA SMAJIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“ Guillaume Ancel, VENT GLACIAL SUR SARAJEVO, (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str.
87 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Šerbo Rastoder, Novak Adžić, MODERNA ISTORIJA CRNE GORE 1988-2017. OD PREVRATA DO NATO PAKTA,  KNJ. I-III, Daily Press-Vijesti, Podgorica 2020, 1776 str. , NADA TOMOVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Šerbo Rastoder, Novak Adžić, MODERNA ISTORIJA CRNE GORE 1988-2017. OD PREVRATA DO NATO PAKTA,  KNJ. I-III, Daily Press-Vijesti, Podgorica 2020, 1776 str.
88 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: 75. GODIŠNJICA PRVOG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-a: POVIJESNA UTEMELJENOST OBNOVLJENE DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U 20. I 21. STOLJEĆU, Zbornik radova, Posebna izdanja, knjiga CLXXIX, Odjeljenje društvenih nauka, knjiga 11/1, Odjeljenje humanističkih naukam knjiga 46/1, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2019, 574 str. , EDIN HALILOVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: 75. GODIŠNJICA PRVOG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-a: POVIJESNA UTEMELJENOST OBNOVLJENE DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U 20. I 21. STOLJEĆU, Zbornik radova, Posebna izdanja, knjiga CLXXIX, Odjeljenje društvenih nauka, knjiga 11/1, Odjeljenje humanističkih naukam knjiga 46/1, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2019, 574 str.
89 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Edin Radušić, DVIJE BOSNE: BRITANSKE PUTOPISNE I KONZULARNE SLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, NJENOG STANOVNIŠTVA I MEĐUSOBNIH ODNOSA, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2019, 259 str. , NERMAN KOVAÄŒEVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Edin Radušić, DVIJE BOSNE: BRITANSKE PUTOPISNE I KONZULARNE SLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, NJENOG STANOVNIŠTVA I MEĐUSOBNIH ODNOSA, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2019, 259 str.
90 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI // HISTORICAL VIEWS, God. II, br. 2, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 485 str. , DAMIR BOŠNJAKOVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI // HISTORICAL VIEWS, God. II, br. 2, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 485 str.
91 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: STARO RUHO – NOVI SADRŽAJI, GLASNIK BIHORA, br. 5, JU Centar za kulturu Petnjica, Petnjica 2020, 380 str. , SAIT Š. ŠABOTIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: STARO RUHO – NOVI SADRŽAJI, GLASNIK BIHORA, br. 5, JU Centar za kulturu Petnjica, Petnjica 2020, 380 str.
92 IZVJEŠTAJ//CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa NAUÄŒNE MANIFESTACIJE “HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI 2”, Tuzla, 8. i 9. 2019. godine , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
IZVJEŠTAJ//CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa NAUÄŒNE MANIFESTACIJE “HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI 2”, Tuzla, 8. i 9. 2019. godine
93 AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA U 2019. GODINI//ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA IN 2019. , JASMIN JAJČEVIĆ
AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA U 2019. GODINI//ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA IN 2019.
94 GRANICE I SPONE: MALI ZVORNIK I SAKAR U TOKOVIMA DEOSMANIZACIJE BALKANA XIX I XX STOLJEĆA // BORDERS AND BONDS: MALI ZVORNIK AND SAKAR DURING THE DEOSMANIZATION OF THE BALKANS OF THE XIX AND XX CENTURY  , SAFET BANDŽOVIĆ
Knowledge of world / European history is important for a more complete understanding of complex processes, for comparisons and placing national and regional history in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. What determines the course of history is sometimes “a series of smaller events in the midst of the context of big ideas”. The borders of the region are determined by geographical, cultural and geopolitical characteristics, as well as the political interests of those builders whose interpretation has dominance. In expanding or narrowing the territory of the Balkans, politics was usually more decisive than geography. Historical events in that area should be presented from the positions of all its peoples, including Muslim communities. Their narratives also form a legitimate part of the picture of that past. Muslims were not the “favorites” of multiple Balkan historiographies that minimized and marginalized their component, functioning as factors shaping their own national and political ideologies. Historiography does not only deal with the reconstruction of the past, but, with all the difficulties and pitfalls, it also interprets it. A fragmentary study of the destinies of Muslim communities hinders the identification of the broader processes and common denominators of their parcelized history. The processes of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization also led to their particular consciousness within the newly formed, post-Ottoman states. Their historical experience is largely not “condensed, preserved, and generationally transmitted”. The attitude that Muslims are “foreigners” in Europe is part of the mentality and process known as the “Eastern Question”. Minds are not too prone to change. Calling all Muslims “Turks” is not the result of ignorance, but of a concrete attitude. It was not until the Berlin Congress of 1878 that the question of their protection became somewhat relevant. The system of such protection was inadequate, without supervisory mechanisms to control the implementation of commitments. Major political changes most often brought about religious and ethnic changes and displacements in the Balkans. In the study of the decades-long process of formation of the Serbian state in the 19th century in the area of ​​the Smederevo Sandzak and the emigration of Muslims from it, special attention is paid to the fate of two small settlements (Mali Zvornik and Sakar) on the right bank of the Drina. After the surrender of the towns to the Serbs in 1862, only Mali Zvornik and Sakar remained in the hands of the Muslims. The origin of the settlement of Mali Zvornik is connected to the existence of the Zvornik fortress and the town of Zvornik on the left bank of the Drina, which was first mentioned in 1412. Mali Zvornik grew on the right bank of the Drina as part of the town of Zvornik. In the first half of the 18th century, travel writers mention that Mala or Mahala of the Bosnian town of Zvornik, whose inhabitants were called Maholjani, was located there. South of Mali Zvornik lies village of Sakar. In the 19th century, in Mali Zvornik and Sakar, on the border with the Smederevo Sandzak, Muslims made up the majority of the population. As only the Drina separated them from the settlements of Divič and Tabaci on its other side, the inhabitants of these settlements were firmly connected by kinship, friendship and marriage, and they were economically oriented towards each other. The Principality of Serbia was persistent in its demands to get Mali Zvornik and Sakar, having in mind their geostrategic position. By the decision of the Berlin Congress in 1878, they became part of Serbia. Until 1912, these were the only settlements in it with a majority Muslim population. They lost that majority over time. What is conditionally called “local” history, in addition to great narratives, indicates, confirmed by various experiences, the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a particular area.
95 UVAKUFLJENJE IMOVINE TUZLANSKE DOBROTVORKE TAHIRE-HANUME TUZLIĆ // THE WAQF FORMATION BY TUZLA’S BENEFICIARY TAHIRA-HANUMA TUZLIĆ PROPERTY   , The paper reviews the procedure of waqf formation of Tahira-hanuma Tuzlić, widow of GradašÄević from Tuzla. Based on the presented contents, this endowment (waqf) did not pass without certain difficulties. Namely, Tahira-hanuma Tuzlić comes from a well-known bey Tuzla family, and on that basis she inherited significant land holdings and numerous other real estates. She was married to Bećir-bey GradašÄević and they had no children. At the age of over 60, she decided to endow a significant part of her property in an “evladijet waqf”. Since Esad ef. Kulović, the mayor of Sarajevo, was married to Tahira-hanuma Tuzlić's sister, Rashid hanuma, he was appointed as mutevelija (guardian) of the said waqf. It was planned to include in the endowment significant land holdings located in the cadastral municipalities: Pasci, Husino, Bistarac and Donja Tuzla, as well as several houses and shops in Donja Tuzla. Bakir-beg Tuzlić, the only male descendant of the prominent bey family Tuzlić at the time, opposed this endowment. When he found out about the endowment, Bakir-bey Tuzlić tried in every possible way to prevent the same. For these reasons, he addressed the Sharia Court in Tuzla, the Village District Office of Donja Tuzla, and later the Provincial Government for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Joint Ministry in Vienna. In the above-mentioned petitions, Bakir-bey Tuzlić pointed out that he had learned from the Bazaar conversations that his aunt Tahira-hanuma Tuzlić had planned to endow most of the property she owned. In his explanations, he pointed out that she was doing it outside the law and domestic customs, all with the aim of preventing him, as the closest descendant of the respectable Tuzlić family, from reaching his inheritance. In addition, he stated that in the past few years, his aunt Tahira-hanuma Tuzlić has been behaving wastefully, giving away parts of her property without a valid reason. He especially pointed out the unjustified donation of a large property in the village of Dubravice in the Brčko district, as well as other property of Esad ef. Kulović, which Bakir-beg Tuzlić objected to, because he believed that Esad ef. Kulović has an obligation to Tahiri-hanuma, and not she to him, because thanks to Tahiri-hanuma Tuzlić, he married her sister Rashid hanuma and thus inherited significant property. In his petitions, Bakir-beg Tuzlić pointed out that Tahira-hanuma Tuzlić was a mother-in-law and that she was not capable of making valid decisions, which could put her in an unenviable position. In addition, he said that she was doing it in spite of him, so that he would not have the said property, as the only male heir. After the Sharia Court and the Village District Office in Donja Tuzla rejected Bakir-beg Tuzlić's requests, he addressed the Provincial Government for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Joint Ministry of Finance in Vienna. But neither did they have an understanding for his pleas. Simultaneously with the requests of Bakir-beg Tuzlić, Tahira-hanuma Tuzlić addressed these same institutions, asking them for consent to endow the property in the “Evledijet waqf of Tahira-hanuma Tuzlić”. After the above-mentioned institutions determined that there were no obstacles to the endowment, the Provincial Government finally, on November 2, 1907, gave approval for the endowment of the said property. The process of endowment was confirmed at the Sharia Court in Tuzla by a waqfnama, which appointed the mutevelija “Evladijet vakuf Tahire-hanume Tuzlić”, and established the rules of its use for humanitarian, religious-educational and economic-social purposes. In this way, this waqf was given to the community for use, and it served its intended purpose for several decades, until the establishment of communist rule after World War II, when this waqf, like many others in Bosnia and Herzegovina, came under fire from numerous processes. This waqf is interesting for several reasons. It was one of the larger waqfs created in Austro-Hungarian times, and behind the said waqf stood a woman as a waqif. Therefore, we considered it important to give some important facts related to the procedure of endowment of the endowment, and to point out some important characteristics of the same.
IZET ŠABOTIĆ
96 EMANCIPACIJA ŽENA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI U VRIJEME AUSTROUGARSKE UPRAVE (1878-1918) // EMANCIPATION OF WOMEN IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA DURING THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN ADMINISTRATION (1878-1918)  , TOMASZ JACEK LIS
After the Congress of Berlin in 1878, in Bosnia and Hercegovina we saw big changes. The Austrian government was building roads, and railroad tracks. In the Austro-Hungarian period, also they changed their architectural style; from the prevailing ottoman one to more like in Vienna or Prague. This situation was a short time, in live only one generation. These changes affected to life and behavior of Bosnia and Hercegovinas’ citizens. Was changed several people, because after the Austrian arrive, a lot of Muslims Bosniacs, and Turks, were left this part. There were elites in this place. Their positions, how “new elites” take people which they came from different part of the Habsburg Monarchy; Hungarians, Germans, Poles, Czechs, etc. They were taking new ideas, how feminism. The emancipation of women was something new in these places. The first woman, which was proclaiming the slogans, as teachers. On the article we can show two examples; Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska, and Jagoda Truhelka. They were born in Osijek, from giving Bosnian part ideas, that girl needs to will independent and need to have good graduated. These modern ideas, supported, in a way, the government because in the country was a school program for girls. Austro-Hungarian politics was building a school for girls, and take some scholarship went girl studied in University, how Marija Bergman, born in Bosnia, daughter of some Jews officials. However teachers not only modern women, similar roles had women-doctors. Girls who graduated Faculty of Medicine, arrive in Bosnia and Hercegovina and help Muslim women. Poles Teodora Krajewska and Czechs Anna Bayerova also take ideas of feminism, but, most important that she was great respect between patience. Propagating the feministic ideas was thinking which affect all women. Most important was not only slogans but also changes in everyday life normal family in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The other day only men can work on the farmland or work. After the Congress of Berlin situations was changed. On the consequences, women must be going to work, often how a worker in fabric. Work was hard, but women first time have their cash. Automatically her position in society was better. These situations have consequences for the city, as like villages. We sow this situation in the book Vere Ehrlich, which researched this topic in the interwar period. In the article, we went to show, that this changing was things also women, which life to margin, how prostitutes. Naturally, their life was always difficult, but the new government also got assistance. Habsburg's administration knew, that better control of specific profession, because this is the way how deal with the epidemic of syphilis, and something like this. In this work, we use scientific literature and documents from archives, mainly the Archive of Federation Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Historical Archive from city Sarajevo, when was document fo Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska. How method we use case study and analyzing to literature and historical sources.
97 PRILOG ISTRAŽIVANJU POLOŽAJA I AKTIVNOSTI RADNIÄŒKOG POKRETA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI OD ZAVRŠETKA PRVOG SVJETSKOG RATA DO POÄŒETKA HUSINSKE BUNE // CONTRIBUTION TO RESEARCH OF THE POSITION AND ACTIVITY OF LABOUR MOVEMENTS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA SINCE THE END OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR UNTIL THE BEGINNING OF THE HUSIN REBELLION   , DENIS BEĆIROVIĆ
Based on archival material and relevant literature, this text analyses and presents the activities of the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first years after the end of the First World War. During this period, the struggle for workers'rights, mostly through strike actions, resulted, among other things, in an increase in wages, the introduction of eight-hour working days in most companies, the exercise of the right to elect workers' commissioners and trade unions. The workers managed to get other benefits related to the economic position of the workers, such as retail co-operatives, apartments, assistance in purchasing work suits, etc. Workers' representatives fought for a radically better position and a new place in society. In addition to eight-hour working days, higher wages and other demands to improve the material position of workers, strikes against the political disenfranchisement of workers were conducted during this period, as well as for political freedoms and democratisation of political life in the country. During 1919 and 1920, several strikes about pay were organised by miners, construction workers and metalworkers in the forest industry, catering workers and employees in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bijeljina, Brčko, Zenica, Breza, Mostar, Zavidovići, Dobrljin, Lješljani, Maslovarama and Rogatica. It was part of over 125 strikes by workers in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of legal activity of the Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (SLPY) (c), i.e. the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and its close trade unions. At the initiative of the SLPY (c) and united syndicates, public political assemblies were organised in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar, Brčko, Derventa, Vareš and Drvar, at which demands were put forward to dissolve the authorities, and organise democratic elections for the Constituent Assembly and demobilise the army. The aggravation of the political situation in the first post-war years was noticeable in many local communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a number of cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there were physical confrontations between workers and security bodies of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. One such example occurred, in Zenica in mid-October 1920, when police banned the Communists' attempt to hold an assembly despite a previously imposed ban. On that occasion, the gathered mass of 2,500 workers refused to disperse and demanded that the assembly   be held. After the police and the gendarmerie tried to disperse the gathered workers, there was open conflict. Workers threw stones at security officials, and they responded by firing firearms. The rally was eventually broken up, one worker was wounded and twelve workers were hurt during a clash with police. Owing to the increasing engagement of workers' representatives, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina worsened. It was not uncommon to have open conflicts between workers and government officials. After the collapse of the Husino uprising, the position of workers deteriorated. Also, this paper discusses the impact of the revolutions in Eastern and Central Europe on the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
98 „UZ TITA I PARTIJU“. DJELATNOST ANTIFAŠISTIÄŒKOG FRONTA ŽENA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE I NJIHOVE REAKCIJE NA PROPAGANDU INFORMBIROA TOKOM 1948. I 1949. GODINE // “WITH TITO AND THE PARTY”. ACTIVITY OF THE WOMEN’S ANTI-FASCIST FRONT BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND THEIR REACTIONS ON THE INFORMBIRO PROPANGANDA DURING 1948 AND 1949 , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
During the Second World War, the Anti-Fascist Women's Front (AFŽ) was formed in 1942 in Bosanski Petrovac. The outcome of the formation is an attempt at long-term mobilization and organization of women within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The women's anti-fascist front was organizationally on the path of anti-fascism and sacrifice in achieving the military, political and other goals of the revolution. At the First Congress of the AFŽ of Yugoslavia, which was held in 1945 in Belgrade, Josip Broz Tito stated the tasks of women, which were crucial for the new state. These were the preservation of brotherhood and unity, the continuation of the fight against the enemies of the new state, preparations for the constitution elections, work on rebuilding the country, enlightening women, humanitarian work with soldiers killed in the war, parents of children killed orphaned and raising children in in the spirit of the People's Liberation Struggle. Also, after the Second World War, the International Democratic Federation of Women was established, which was founded on the initiative of women from the Federation of French Women, and which dealt exclusively with women's issues and issues of interest to women. The women of Yugoslavia, who participated in the congresses in Paris and Budapest, also played a significant role in the establishment and operation of the International Democratic Federation of Women. With the outbreak of open conflict between the countries of Informbiro and Yugoslavia in 1948, and the action of Informbiro's propaganda, it also affected the Bureau of the French Women's Union, which prevented women from Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina from attending the 1949 plenary session of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. This attitude led to women's organizations in cities, villages, peasant labor cooperatives, labor collectives and institutions throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina holding meetings, rallies and conferences, where they openly criticized and protested through letters against the decision and the revocation of calls for women's presence. Of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina at the meeting of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. The women of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina also had their position after the publication of the Informbiro Resolution on the situation in the CPY in 1948, where they rejected the resolution and sent and expressed their commitment to the CPY and Tito. In this regard, the paper, based on first-rate sources and relevant literature, seeks to present the activities of the Anti-Fascist Women's Front of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the years after World War II, both domestically and internationally (preparation of the International Women's Exhibition, signature collection, with the support of the proposal of the Soviet Alliance on Arms Reduction, etc.), as well as the views on the Informbiro Resolution of 1948 and the reactions of women's organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Informbiro's propaganda during 1949, due to the impossibility of women's attendance at the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow.
99 ALBANCI U JUGOSLAVIJI OD KRAJA 60-IH DO POÄŒETKA 80-IH XX STOLJEĆA // THE ALBANIANS IN YUGOSLAVIA FROM THE LATE  1960S TO THE EARLY 1980S  , MARIYANA STAMOVA
The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.
100 TRANSFORMACIJA DRŽAVE I PRAVA U IRANU NAKON IRANSKE REVOLUCIJE 1979. GODINE // TRANSFORMATION OF THE STATE AND LAW IN IRAN AFTER THE IRANIAN REVOLUTIONIN 1979   , SEAD BANDŽOVIĆ
With the overthrow of the regime of Reza Pahlavi in ​​1979, the Iranian revolution ended the existence of the 2,500-year-old Persian Empire and built the Islamic Republic of Iran on its foundations. The revolution was the product of three independent social structures that merged at one point. One was the structure of constitutionalism that grew out of a century-long struggle for democracy supported by modernists; the second was Islamism as a movement to set Sharia law as the primary law supported by rural elements in society in response to Western urban elites and accepted by merchants; and the third is the nationalist structure, driven by rage fueled by Iran's long subordination to European powers. The basic principle of the Islamic Republic of Iran, proclaimed by the new constitution from 1979, is the positioning of God as the supreme bearer of people's sovereignty and people who are only marginal representatives of his power on Earth. Ayatollah Homenini, the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution and the Iranian state, in this regard created a thesis about the Islamic State as a political representation, created on the basis of the people's will, in order to enforce God's laws. In practice, such system meant setting up Sharia (religious) laws as the only source of law in regulating social, legal and other relations within the community. A dichotomy has been created in the management of the state, so there are two groups of authorities. The first, the conciliar, consists of the Supreme leader, the Council of Guardians (Shora-ye Negahban-e Qanun-e assassi), the Council of Experts (Majles-e Khobragan Rahbari) and the Judgment Council. The task of these councils is to oversee the activities of all levels of government in order to preserve the unity, sovereignty and integrity of the Iranian political system. The conciliar government supervises and advises the republican part of the government, ie. its legislative, executive and judicial aspects. In addition to conciliar government, there is a republican government that creates laws and political decisions in accordance with religious teachings and under the supervision of theocratic political institutions. All laws and court decisions must be based on the principles of the Qur'an, and their proper interpretation requires an understanding of religious principles. On the basis of the constitution, a special High Judicial Council was established, which amended the pre-revolutionary laws (criminal, commercial, civil and procedural), thus creating the so-called “Transitional law”. The biggest changes affected the area of ​​criminal law, where the principle of talion revenge was introduced (“an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth”) and the strict punishment of extramarital relations and same-sex relationships. In the domain of marital and family law, a man is given a number of rights, thus putting the woman, as a marital partner, in a more unequal position. Husbands were facilitated in divorce, temporary marriages with more than one woman were allowed, while on the other hand women were allowed the right to divorce only if it was explicitly allowed by her husband during the marriage. The revolution also introduced new sources in the regulation of legal relations. Thus, by an order of the Supreme Judicial Council of 23 August 1982, judges were ordered to use direct authoritative Islamic texts or sources on which to base their judgments in resolving disputes. Judges are required by this Order to address the Council of Guardians of the Constitution if they cannot determine with certainty whether a regulation is in accordance with Sharia law or not. If the judge does not know which law to apply, he must contact the Office of Ayatollah Khomeini for further instructions. In addition to the internal one, the revolution caused radical changes in the foreign policy field, positioning Iran as an important participant in numerous international processes at the regional and global level.
101 DRUŠTVENI I STRANAÄŒKI RASCJEPI U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI POSLIJE IZBORA 1990. GODINE // SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DIVISIONS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AFTER THE 1990 ELECTIONS , AMIR AHMETOVIĆ
Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a very suitable experimental space for the analysis of integrative policy in the conditions, war and long-lasting crisis, of a devastated society which, due to the challenges of history, is deeply divided. In such a space, applying the analytical model designed and used by Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokan, the paper deals with the detection of social divisions that underlie party preferences in the 1990 elections for the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzes of pre-election and post-election activities of political entities show the existence of an important link between ethno-confessional characteristics and attitudes on political issues and party preferences, which in accordance with the used theoretical model creates preconditions for talking about social divisions that have turned into party divisions. It can be determined that they are bh. political parties formed, with all their specifics, on the basic lines of Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. In the analysis of the relationship between social and political space and the influence of the structure of society on political relations and divisions, it is possible to determine that party divisions and divisions, their segmentation and polarization are conditioned, above all, by the depth and dynamics of fundamental Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. The divisions that emerged in the pre-election period of 1990 (we can conditionally define them as divisions communism vs anti-communism) were pushed into the background in the first post-election year and priority was given to the split that S. Lipset and S. Rokan defined as the center-periphery split. (or the territorial-cultural split as, after adaptation, Professor Nenad Zakošek called it).                       The second part of the paper presents an overview of the most important political parties in the 1990 elections and continues to examine the applicability of S. Lipset and S. Rokan's theory of turning social divisions into party divisions, this time in the first year of ethno-confessional parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzing the basic lines of historical ethnic and confessional divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina society and in the sphere of political (sub) system through indicators such as: predominant (ethnic, confessional, linguistic, cultural and regional) identifications, the relationship between ethno-confessional and civil, the relationship to the rights and freedoms guaranteed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Constitution, the attitude towards different solutions to the state question (remaining in the common state of Yugoslavia vs. the independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) tested the hypothesis that historical lines of ethno-confessional splits represent the basic determinant of political goals. It can be seen that the territorial-cultural divide (primarily in the form of center-periphery conflict) is actually a kind of complete split, given that it is a split that involves conflict between stable social groups (residents of the center and periphery but also members of different ethnic and confessional communities). In the Bosnia and Herzegovina case, these are (ethnic and confessional) communities that have different views on the most important issues of the social organization of the common state, which results in open conflict on the political scene in the form of voting for different political options, which can be transformed by ethnopolitical elites. (very easily) into various forms of violence against others and different in the territory that is under their political (and police) control.
102 VLASENICA OD 1991. DO 2013. GODINE: PROMJENE U ETNIÄŒKOJ STRUKTURI STANOVNIŠTVA POD UTJECAJEM RATA PROTIV REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE // VLASENICA FROM 1991 TO 2013: CHANGES IN THE ETHNIC STRUCTURE OF THE POPULATION UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF THE WAR AGAINST THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
Before the aggression, Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Yugoslavs and Others lived together in Vlasenica. According to the 1991 census, there were 33,942 inhabitants in Vlasenica: 18,727 Bosniaks (55.17%), 14,359 Serbs (42.30%), 39 Croats (0.11%), 340 Yugoslavs (1.00%) and 477 Others (1.24%). At the same time, in the town of Vlasenica lived 7,909 inhabitants: 4,800 Bosniaks (60.69%), 2,743 Serbs (34.68), 26 Croats (0.33%), 242 Yugoslavs (3.06%) and 98 Others. 1.24%). The population of the Municipality lived in the town of Vlasenica and 90 other settlements. Vlasenica, as a strategically important city in the plans and goals of the aggressors, has been the target of attacks since 1991. Aggression and war crimes against Bosniaks were planned, prepared and organized against this Bosnian town. Camps for Bosniaks were organized in Vlasenica, civilians were killed and then “buried” in mass graves, mass and systematic rapes and other forms of sexual violence were committed, the Bosniak elite was targeted and persecuted, civilians were expelled and deported en masse, and cultural goods and property and demolished religious buildings. After the war, he began returning to Vlasenica. However, this area has long been an area of precarious living for Bosniak returnees. Thus, on July 11, 2001, a 16-year-old girl, Meliha Durić, was killed in Vlasenica. This crime has not been solved. In the Bosnian entity of RS, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. The situation with employment in public administration is not good. Returnees are mainly engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry, but there is a problem with the placement of surplus products. In 2013, a census was conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was the first census after the war and aggression. In the municipality of Vlasenica, a significant part of which belonged to the municipality of Milici, there were 11,467 inhabitants: 3,763 Bosniaks, 7,589 Serbs, 31 Croats, 22 persons who did not declare their ethnicity, 15 Others, 14 without answers. The town of Vlasenica had 6,715 inhabitants, which is 1,194 fewer than in 1991. There were 967 or 3,633 fewer Bosniaks than in 1991. There were 5,679 or 2,936 more Serbs than in 1991. The municipality of Vlasenica had, in the total population, 33.82% Bosniaks, which is 21.35% less than in 1991, and 66.18% Serbs, which is 23.88% more than in 1991. In the town of Vlasenica, there were 14.40% Bosniaks and 84.50% Serbs in the total population. There were 46.29% less Bosniaks and 49.89% more Serbs. The population of Vlasenica lived in 36 settlements of the municipality, which is 55 settlements less than in 1991. The causes of such changes in the ethnic structure of the population of Vlasenica can be traced to the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ethnic cleansing and genocide against Bosniaks. Certainly, other causes of the decrease in the number of Bosniaks in Vlasenica should not be neglected, such as the security situation, economic situation, education, road and other infrastructure, etc. The formation of the municipality of Milići significantly affected the reduction of the population of Vlasenica. Milići has 11,441 inhabitants: Serbs 7,180 or 62.76%, Bosniaks 4,199 or 36.70% of the total population. The population of Milić lives in 51 settlements.
103 NEKI ASPEKTI DJELOVANJA VOJSKE JUGOSLAVIJE U AGRESIJI NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU NA PODRUÄŒJU SREDNJEG PODRINJA POÄŒETKOM 1993. GODINE // SOME ASPECTS OF ACTIVITY OF THE ARMY OF YUGOSLAVIA IN THE AGGRESION AGAINST REPUBLIC BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ON THE TERRITORY OF CENTRAL PODRINJE IN THE BEGINNING OF 1993 , MESUD ŠADINLIJA
The presence of regular Yugoslav military forces in central Podrinje and their participation in the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina have been evident from the very beginnings. As there were no significant forces of the Yugoslav People’s Army in Bosnian Podrinje, in the beginning of April 1992 the 336th Motorized brigade was dislocated from the area of Tuzla and it established its command post in Šekovići, thus becoming the bearer of battle activities and organization of the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in this region, including in its organic composition all Serb armed formations from Zvornik, Kalesija, Šekovići, Vlasenica, Milići, Bratunac and Skelani. In the attacks during which the Serb forces gained control over a broader area of Central Podrinje, and the Bosniak population, which constituted a pronounced majority of the overall population, was suppressed and reduced to three isolated enclaves on the territory of Cerska, Konjević Polje and Srebrenica, the function of leading and commanding these forces, as well as other regular and irregular units which were directed or acted from the territory of Serbia, was conducted by the Operative group “Drina”, a formation under the command of the Belgrade military zone, later the 1st Army of the Yugoslav Army. In the attacks on the remaining enclaves of Podrinje during the summer and autumn of 1992 the aviation of the Yugoslav Army was employed along with lighter jets of agricultural aviation, as well as artillery from the firing positions of the Yugoslav Army on the territory of Serbia. The contents of the Wance-Owen peace plan, according to which the greater part of the Bosnian Podrinje was supposed to be included into one of the provinces with a Bosniak ethnic majority, which would have spelt the end of the Serb national policy in Podrinje, represented an announcement of a large winter offensive of the Serbian forces. With a directive issued on 19 November 1992 the Drina corps of the Army of Republika Srpska was ordered to defend Višegrad, Zvornik and the corridor towards Serbia with its main forces, to deblock the communication on the line Milići – Konjević Polje – Zvornik, and to exhaust the enemy on the broader area of Podrinje, inflict upon him as much loss as possible, and force him to “leave the areas of Birač, Žepa and Goražde together with the Muslim population”. On the basis of this directive act, the planned offensive military activities of the Serb forces in Central Podrinje, initiated during November and finished with the agreement on the demilitarization of Srebrenica in April 1993, according to the documents of the Army of Republika Srpska, had three successive phases codenamed: “PROBOJ” (Breakthrough), “PESNICA” (Fist) and “UDAR” (Assault). Despite the significant engaged forces, the offensive “PROBOJ” did not go according to plan, and in the counterattacks during December the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina liberated a large number of settled places, and until 9 January 1993 gained control over Serb strongholds in the communication region of Bratunac – Kravica, and thus physically connected all parts of the liberated territory. Then a new offensive was launched, codenamed “PESNICA”, which, aside from the stabilization of the Serb defence of Bratunac, did not achieve its stated goals, while on the other side the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina arrived to the part of the state border with Serbia in the region of Skelani. In the final phase of the offensive, that bore the code name of “UDAR”, the Army of Yugoslavia directly joined the fighting in Central Podrinje on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the direction of Bratunac towards Srebrenica the forces from the composition of OG “Drina” and parts of other units from the 1st Army of the Yugoslav Army were active, which established a command outpost in Ljubovija. In central Podrinje parts of the Special units corps of the Yugoslav Army also operated, and during the offensive they were stationed in the region of Skelani. From that side, from the direction of Skelani towards Srebrenica, the forces from the composition of the Užice corps of the 2nd Army of the Yugoslav Army were also active. When the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were suppressed from the larger part of the territory and together with the masses of Bosniak civilians restricted to the broader town area of Srebrenica, the units of the Yugoslav Army could retreat to the territory of their state. The offensive was concluded with the signing of the agreement about the demilitarization of Srebrenica.
104 PROCESUIRANJE U PREDMETU RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ – ICTY IT-95-5/18 // PROSECUTION IN THE RADOVAN KARADZIC CASE – ICTY IT-95-5/18 , MELDIJANA ARNAUT HASELJIĆ
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has filed an Indictment (originally July 25, 1995, and an operational Indictment on October 19, 2009) against Radovan Karadzic, the former President of Republika Srpska and Commander-in-Chief of the Army of Republika Srpska. After many years of hiding in Serbia, Karadzic was arrested on July 21, 2008, and transferred to the ICTY on July 30 of that year. The trial began on 26 October 2009. Radovan Karadzic is charged for genocide (Counts 1 and 2); crimes against humanity: persecution (count 3), extermination (count 4), murder (count 5), deportation (count 7), inhumane acts - forcible transfer (count 8); and violations of the laws or customs of war: murder (count 6), terrorism (count 9), unlawful attacks on civilians (count 10), hostage-taking (count 11). Radovan Karadzic has been charged with individual criminal responsibility in accordance with Rule 7 (1) of the Statute of the International Tribunal through his participation in several joint criminal enterprises (JCEs). According to the Indictment, no later than October 1991 to November 30, 1995, Karadzic participated in a JCE aimed at the permanent removal of Bosniaks and Croats from certain areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina; from April 1992 to November 1995, he participated in the JCE to launch and conduct a campaign of sniping and shelling of the civilian population of Sarajevo, aimed at spreading terror among the civilian population; from July 1995 until 1 November 1995, he participated in the JCE of the elimination of Bosniaks in Srebrenica, by killing men and boys, as well as forcibly expelling women, children and the elderly from the area; and for participated in the JCE of taking members of the United Nations hostage during May and June 1995. Pursuant to Article 7 (3) of the Statute, the Indictment charges him with superior responsibility because he knew or had reason to know that forces under his effective control were being prepared to commit crimes or have already committed them, and has not taken measures to prevent the commission of crimes or to punish the perpetrators of those crimes. On June 11, 2012, Karadzic filed a motion for acquittal on all counts of the Indictment. Pursuant to Rule 98bis, on 28 June 2012, the Trial Chamber rendered a Decision dismissing the motion for acquittal on ten counts of the Indictment, but acquitted Count 1 of the Indictment relating to genocide committed in certain municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Bratunac, Foca, Kljuc, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Vlasenica and Zvornik. This count of the Indictment alleges that Karadzic is responsible for the genocide as a superior, and that in agreement with others he committed, planned, instigated, ordered and/or aided and abetted the genocide. Following the Prosecution's appeal against the decision to exclude Count 1 from the Indictment, on 11 July 2013 the Appeals Chamber quashed the Trial Chamber's decision and returned Count 1 of the Indictment charging Karadzic with genocide in the said municipalities, and the proceedings continued before the Trial Chamber. The Trial Chamber's verdict against Radovan Karadzic was handed down on March 24, 2016, sentencing him to 40 years in prison for genocide, crimes against humanity, and violations of the laws or customs of war. In 6,073 paragraphs is explained the role of the RS Army, as well as police structures, territorial defense, and regional and municipal authorities and other participants in joint criminal enterprises. The forms and methods of committing crimes committed in the municipalities of Bijeljina, Bratunac, Brčko, Foča, Rogatica, Sokolac, Višegrad, Vlasenica and Zvornik in eastern Bosnia are described; Banja Luka, Bosanski Novi, Ključ, Prijedor and Sanski Most in the Autonomous Region of Krajina (“ARK”); Hadžići, Ilidža, Novi Grad, Novo Sarajevo, Pale and VogošÄ‡a in the area of ​​Sarajevo, and precise ways of carrying out a comprehensive joint criminal enterprise, but also joint criminal enterprises related to Srebrenica (genocide), Sarajevo (terrorizing citizens with sniper fire and shelling), and hostage-taking (UNPROFOR international peacekeepers). The first-instance verdict found Karadzic guilty of 10 of the 11 counts in the indictment. Both the Prosecution and the Defense for the Accused appealed the Trial Chamber's judgment, and the second-instance proceedings continued. On March 20, 2019, the Appeals Chamber issued a final verdict sentencing Radovan Karadžić to life imprisonment. The verdict found him guilty of persecution from a territory that Bosnian Serbs considered to be claiming the right, sniping and shelling of Sarajevo, taking UNPROFOR members hostage and genocide in Srebrenica. Both Trial and Appeals Chambers acquitted Karadzic of genocide committed in seven Bosnian municipalities (Bratunac, Foca, Kljuc, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Vlasenica and Zvornik) committed in 1992.
105 IDENTITET I SAMOSTID – KAKO TO IZGLEDA KOD BOŠNJAKA. PRILOG RAZUMIJEVANJU NEKIH KARAKTERISTIKA NACIONALNE SVIJESTI KOD BOŠNJAKA // IDENTITY AND SHAME – HOW IT SEEMS FROM BOSNIAKS PERSPECTIVE. A CONTRIBUTION TO THE UNDERSTANDING OF SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS AMONG BOSNIAKS , ADIB ĐOZIĆ
The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values ​​and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović KaraÄ‘ić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.
106 PRILOZI O PROŠLOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U TURSKOJ HISTORIOGRAFSKOJ PERIODICI (2010-2020) // CONTRIBUTIONS ABOUT THE PAST OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN TURKISH HISTORIOGRAPHIC PERIODICS (2010-2020)  , LAMIJA HATIBOVIĆ, AMER MASLO
This article presents papers on the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina published in the most prestigious historiographical journals in the Republic of Turkey in the period from 2010 to 2020. The first part of the paper explains the criteria for which the authors decided on the journals Belleten, Tarih Dergisi, Osmanlı AraÅŸtırmaları, Tarih Ä°ncelemeleri Dergisi, Osmanlı Tarihi AraÅŸtırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi - OTAM. Special attention is given to the works of Bosnian authors published in these journals. In the period from 2010 to 2020, six Bosnian authors published their works in these publications. Two papers were published by Kerima Filan (papers published in Osmanlı Tarihi AraÅŸtırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi - OTAM and Osmanlı AraÅŸtırmaları), while one paper was published by Hatidža ÄŒar-Drnda (in Belleten journal) and Adnan Ararić (in Tarr journal OsmanÅŸ Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi - OTAM), Sabaheta Gačanin (in Tarih Ä°ncelemeleri Dergisi), Fahd Kasumović (in Belleten jounal) and Aladin Husić (in Belleten journal). Attention is also paid to the works of foreign authors in which the research focus is on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Six papers published in the Bulletin are presented in more detail, by Zafer Gölen, Hüsnü Demircan, UÄŸur Ünal, Tufan Turan, then two papers published in Osmanlı Tarihi AraÅŸtırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi - OTAM, by AyÅŸa ZiÅŸan Furat and Kurana published in Osmanlı AraÅŸtırmaları by Fatma Sel Turhan. Compared to Bosnian authors, Turkish historians of the Ottoman period have a greater interest in studying the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 19th century, so most of the presented works deal with the events of that century. The authors pointed out the importance, but also certain shortcomings, of the works of Turkish historians. The last part of the paper is dedicated to the analysis of citations of Bosnian authors in the analyzed journals and papers. Papers in Turkish and other researchers rarely cite papers in South Slavic languages, while a large number of cited papers are by Bosnian authors who have published their papers in Turkish or English. Among the cited authors we find, among others, Ahmed Aličić, Hamdija Kreševljaković, Hatidža ÄŒar-Drnd, Smail ÄŒekić, Fikret Karčić, Avdo Sućeska, Nedim Filipović and Hazim Šabanović. The paper also mentions In Memoriam on the occasion of the death of Ahmed Aličić, published in the 37th issue of the journal Osmanlı Tarihi AraÅŸtırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi (OTAM), and several reviews of books prepared or written by Bosnian authors. A selective bibliography of papers, divided into two parts, was offered as a contribution to the paper. The first part lists the works that relate in whole or in part to the past of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These are 15 works by authors from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkey and Croatia, and one In Memoriam, which is written in more detail in the main part of the text. The second part of the selective bibliography lists 24 works whose content is partly related to the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Among the authors of these works are world-renowned historians such as Linda T. Darling and Feridun Emecena, but also authors from neighboring countries Dragana Amedoski and Marijan Premović.
107 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Dženita Sarač-Rujanac, BRANKO MIKULIĆ: POLITIÄŒKA BIOGRAFIJA 1965-1989, Institut za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2020, 557 str.   , DINO HAJDAR
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Dženita Sarač-Rujanac, BRANKO MIKULIĆ: POLITIČKA BIOGRAFIJA 1965-1989, Institut za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2020, 557 str.
108 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Filip Škiljan, SJEĆANJA BOŠNJAKA NA SUDJELOVANJE U DOMOVINSKOM RATU U HRVATSKOJ, Vijeće bošnjačke nacionalne manjine Grada Zagreba, Zagreb 2020, 328 str. , SEAD SELIMOVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Filip Škiljan, SJEĆANJA BOŠNJAKA NA SUDJELOVANJE U DOMOVINSKOM RATU U HRVATSKOJ, Vijeće bošnjačke nacionalne manjine Grada Zagreba, Zagreb 2020, 328 str.
109 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Asmir Crnkić, Mirza Ahmetbašić, BOSANSKA KRUPA U VRIJEME AUSTROUGARSKE UPRAVE, JU Arhiv Unsko-sanskog kantona Bihać, Bihać 2020, 246 str. , IZET ŠABOTIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Asmir Crnkić, Mirza Ahmetbašić, BOSANSKA KRUPA U VRIJEME AUSTROUGARSKE UPRAVE, JU Arhiv Unsko-sanskog kantona Bihać, Bihać 2020, 246 str.
110 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: NOVI IZVOR I PODSTREK ZA DALJA PROUÄŒAVANJA – Admir Adrović, STANOVNIŠTVO KADILUKA BIHOR I TRGOVIŠTE U OSMANSKIM POPISIMA IZ 1830/31. GODINE (muslimanski i romski mješoviti defter), Podgorica 2020, 361 str.   , SAIT Š. ŠABOTIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: NOVI IZVOR I PODSTREK ZA DALJA PROUÄŒAVANJA – Admir Adrović, STANOVNIŠTVO KADILUKA BIHOR I TRGOVIŠTE U OSMANSKIM POPISIMA IZ 1830/31. GODINE (muslimanski i romski mješoviti defter), Podgorica 2020, 361 str.
111 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Zajim Kruško, MESNEVIHAN I DOBROTVOR HADŽI MUJAGA MERHEMIĆ, Stolac, Centar za istraživanje i unaprijeÄ‘ivanje duhovne i kulturne baštine u Bosni i Hercegovini,  Stolac 2019, 218 str.               , OMER MERZIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Zajim Kruško, MESNEVIHAN I DOBROTVOR HADŽI MUJAGA MERHEMIĆ, Stolac, Centar za istraživanje i unaprijeÄ‘ivanje duhovne i kulturne baštine u Bosni i Hercegovini,  Stolac 2019, 218 str.
112 CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa NAUÄŒNE MANIFESTACIJE „HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI 3“, Tuzla, 19. novembar 2020. godine , JASMIN JAJÄŒEVIĆ
CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa NAUÄŒNE MANIFESTACIJE „HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI 3“, Tuzla, 19. novembar 2020. godine
113 ŠKOLSKE PRILIKE NA PODRUČJU BOSANSKE KRUPE I NJENE OKOLINE U VRIJEME AUSTROUGARSKE UPRAVE // THE STATE OF SCHOOL SYSTEM IN BOSANSKA KRUPA AND ITS SURROUNDINGS DURING AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN ADMINISTRATION     , Mirza AHMETBAŠIĆ
Very few papers have been written about the development of education in the wider area of ​​Bosanska Krupa during the Austro-Hungarian administration (1878-1918). No comprehensive historical study is known that treats exclusively the development of education in this area during the occupation period. An exception is the book by Elvira Islamović entitled „Schooling and education in the Bihać district during the Austro-Hungarian administration“, published in Bihać in 2008, which in one part deals with the development of schooling in the Bosnian Krupa area. The starting point for the study of the past of Bosanska Krupa and its surroundings is the work of a group of authors entitled „Bosnian-Krupska municipality in the war and revolution“ published in Bosanska Krupa in 1969, which presents a rough overview of Bosnian Krupa's history until the first years after World War II. war and partly the development of education during the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian and the period between the two world wars, and more recently the following works: Mithad Kozličić, „Population and settlements of the Una-Sana area 1879-1921. godine“, Bihać 1999; Mirza Ahmetbašić, Adnan Hafizović, Osnovna škola “Otoka“ od osnivanja do danas, Bihać 2008; Emin Mesić, Fikret Midžić, “Mali Pset 1272. Tvrđava Krupa, Prilozi za monografiju Bosanska Krupa“, Bosanska Krupa 2012; Asmir Crnkić, Mirza Ahmetbašić, „Bosanska Krupa during the Austro-Hungarian administration”, Bihać 2020 and others. The development of school opportunities during the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian administrations was partially addressed by bringing them into context when dealing with other topics. In this paper, the author talks about school opportunities in the area of ​​Bosanska Krupa and its surroundings at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. Attention is paid to the establishment and operation of confessional primary and secondary schools that operated during the Ottoman period, and whose work continued after 1878, and the establishment and operation of the first state primary schools in the wider Bosnian Krupa area. The development of school conditions in the area of ​​Bosanska Krupa during the Ottoman rule did not differ from other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the needs of the Muslim population, sibjan mektebs were opened, somewhat later ruždija and madrasas, and for the needs of Orthodox children of the Orthodox primary school. Orthodox primary schools in the Bosnian Krupa area were first opened in Jasenica, Bosanska Krupa and Velika Rujiška. The Austro-Hungarian government also encountered an extremely high level of illiteracy in the area of ​​Bosanska Krupa and its surroundings. At the end of the Ottoman rule, the illiteracy of the population was more than 95%. In addition, the regular educational process was very often interrupted by various infectious diseases that affected this area, as evidenced by numerous historical sources. There was also a great lack of professional teaching staff. A large number of students who are old enough to start school, the need for education of children of immigrant foreigners, etc. it was a sufficient signal to the competent authorities that a state primary school be established in Bosanska Krupa as well. In the villages around Bosanska Krupa, state primary schools opened relatively late. In the period from 1887 to 1913, public primary schools began operating in Otoka, Veliki Radić, Hasanbegova Jasenica, Ivanjska, Vranjska, Hasani and Bužim. However, in the year of establishment of certain schools, e.g. Otoka, Veliki Radić and Hasanbegova Jasenica there are differences between researchers. The Orthodox population was far more in favor of opening interfaith primary schools in their communities than the Muslim population, despite the fact that the Austro-Hungarian authorities, where possible, regulated the formation of special women's classes in public primary schools. The year 1880 marked a turning point in the development of education in the wider Bosnian Krupa area. That year, the People's Primary School in Bosanska Krupa started operating, which operated throughout the Austro-Hungarian period. However, certain researchers claim that this educational institution began operating in 1884 and 1885, respectively. It was one of the main educational centers and a nursery for numerous cultural and educational activities in this area.
114 RAT I HUMANOST U HISTORIJSKOJ PERSPEKTIVI: BOŠNJAČKA ISKUSTVA U SANDŽAKU 1941. // WAR AND HUMANITY IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE: BOSNIAK EXPERIENCES IN SANDŽAK IN 1941.   , Safet BANDŽOVIĆ
Complex socio-historical processes and turning epochs, as well as numerous segments that are an integral part of people's lives, are the subject of interdisciplinary studies. War is one of the most dramatic, most complex social phenomena. In addition to armed operations, there are a number of other dimensions related to war, starting from psychological, legal, sociological, social, economic, cultural to others. Critical and multiple perspectives contribute to the completion of images of politics, wars and their relations. The disintegrations of the ideological paradigm and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were accompanied by the (re)construction of new national identities, the outbreak and duration of „wars“ of different memories, the reshaping of consciousness and the re-examination of history, especially those related to World War II. The history of that war in Yugoslavia was undoubtedly the history of several wars which were stacked on top of each other. The main issue with Bosniaks in that war is a multiperspectival topic that requires a multidimensional and deideologized presentation of the position and the position of all involved actors. Numerous issues related to that war, the complex position of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak, the emergence of civic responsibility, Bosniak protection of the vulnerable Serb Orthodox population, humanity and assistance, beyond post-war ideological premises and „official truths“ remained more or less marginalized, although they seek more objective and complete answers from multiple angles, for the sake of a more complete view of the past. What is called „local“ or „regional history“, as evidenced by diverse experiences, indicates the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a certain area. The Second World War in Sandžak could not be understood more objectively outside the broader Yugoslav context. This is also special for the history of Novi Pazar, the largest city in Sandžak which was the subject of many different political plans and conceptions. The history of this city has several sections. After the withdrawal of German forces from Novi Pazar, the Chetniks tried to conquer this city for three times in the fall of 1941. However, thanks to the dedicated defense and the help of Albanian armed groups from Kosovo, Bosniaks managed to defend themselves and Novi Pazar. Even in such a dramatic situation, numerous examples of humanity, solidarity and assistance of Bosniaks to the intimidated Serb urban population have been recorded. In the most difficult days of the war, when Novi Pazar was exposed to Chetnik attacks, a significant part of Bosniaks took actions to prevent anarchy, to save Serbs from terror and revenge. The task of science is to constantly discover forgotten and unknown parts of the past, to re-examine previous knowledge. Everything that happened has a whole range of perspectives. It is necessary to have a multidimensional understanding of the causes and course of events, circuits and time limits, to explain narrowed alternatives. Any reduction of historical totality to only one dimension is problematic. Every nation, every state, in a way, write their „histories“, remember different personalities, events, dates, emphasize various roles, perpetuates monuments, emphatize with different causes and consequences. Contemporary abuses of the interpretation of the war past, one-sided approaches, fierce prejucides and quasi-historical analyzes in the service of the politics damage interethic relations and lead to further growth of tensions and distancing between nations and states in their region.
115 DRŽAVNA POLITIKA RAZDVAJANJA SVEĆENIKA KATOLIČKE CRKVE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NA „POZITIVNE“ I „REAKCIONARNE“ (1945-1963) // STATE POLICY OF DIVISION OF CATHOLIC CHURCH PRIESTS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA INTO „POSITIVE“ AND „REACTIONARY“ (1945-1963)   , Denis BEĆIROVIĆ
The illumination of the state policy of separating „positive“ from „negative“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the most important issues in the scientific understanding of the position of this religious community during the first decades of existence of AVNOJ Yugoslavia. The post-war government in Bosnia and Herzegovina treated a large number of priests of the Catholic Church as real or potential enemies of the state. In addition to ideological reasons, which were more or less similar in all communist parties, the negative attitude of the CPY towards the Catholic Church was influenced by the fact that some priests supported the Ustasha movement during World War II. The justification for the negative attitude of party structures towards priests was argued most often in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs with the following reasons: that most priests supported the occupier and domestic traitors during the war; that they spread hostile propaganda against the national liberation movement; that they actively participated in the fight against the new social order; that they had committed war crimes and persecuted members of other faiths, and that they had been linked to criminal Ustasha emigration abroad. In addition to „negative“ priests, there were „positive“ priests that also acted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as they were reported in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs. They did not agree to the policy of confrontation with the state and demanded the establishment of dialogue and co-operation between the Church and the state. Some of the most prominent representatives of this group of priests were: Fr Bono Ostojić, Ph.D. Karlo Karin, Fr Mile Leko, Fr Josip Markušić, Fr Serafin Dodig, Fr Kruno Misilo and others. Holders of „positive tendencies“ among the clergy, according to the Commission for Religious Affairs, understood the importance of establishing communication and contacts with state authorities and the harmfulness of the negative attitude of the Catholic Church towards the state. Their goal was to change the methods of solving problems between the Church and the state, and to build a path that would suit the interests of the priests of the Catholic Church and the interests of the state community, without interfering with the church's dogmatic canonical principles. The „differentiation“ of priests was treated as a positive result of the work of the new government, because, according to their assessments, in the first post-war years, representatives of religious communities had a hostile attitude towards the newly created socialist Yugoslav state. Therefore, the Commission for Religious Affairs (federal and republican) has continuously pointed out the importance of implementing a policy of „stratification and differentiation“ within religious communities. According to the observations of the Federal Commission for Religious Affairs, the post-war „differentiation“ among the priests happened primarily due to their attitudes regarding the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. Some considered it desirable and useful to establish communication with the newly created authorities, while others maintained a negative attitude. In addition to these two groups, there was a third group that was undecided. When considering the biographical data of the priests of the Catholic Church proposed for state decorations, it can be stated that the authorities carefully took into account which priests would be on the list of candidates recommended for awards. A positive attitude towards the new socialist social order, active participation in the establishment of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, loyalty, patriotism towards socialist Yugoslavia, and contribution to the development of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, are some of the most important reasons for choosing candidates for awards. In the article, based on unpublished archival sources, the author contextualises the political circumstances and the circumstances in which the state policy of differentiation of „positive“ from „reactionary“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina took place, points out the reasons for and bearers of such policy, and analyses its expression and results. Also, the author presents the policy of awarding state recognitions and decorations to individual priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
116 INFORMBIROVSKA KRIZA I BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA (1948-1956) U HISTORIJSKIM IZVORIMA I HISTORIOGRAFIJI // INFORMBIRO CRISIS AND BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1948-1956) IN HISTORICAL SOURCES AND HISTORIOGRAPHY   , Jasmin JAJČEVIĆ
In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1948 to 1956 is one of the most dramatic and fateful phases in the recent history of the South Slavic countries, ie Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is a period of very contradictory and turbulent social processes, which have led to complex changes in all areas of socio-economic and political reality, both domestically (in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and internationally. Stalin's attempt to subjugate the Yugoslav party leadership to Soviet domination will lead to an open split between Tito and Stalin (Yugoslavia and the USSR), which will have major consequences for the development of the Yugoslav political system, will lead to universal persecution of all those who voted for politics. Informbiroa in Yugoslavia. The conflict will have a particular impact on the political, economic and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out the historical sources that are in the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, archives in Belgrade (Archives of Yugoslavia) and Zagreb on the basis of which the necessary data can be drawn to understand this issue, as well as to point to historiography (books, collections of papers and journals) that dealt with the issue of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 and its reflection on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is due to the fact that very few scientists and historians have dealt with this issue, as well as that there is very little historical literature for this period, especially for the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It should be noted that we have a historian who has dealt with this issue at the micro level, and as a result a book was published in 2005 entitled „Informbiro and Northeast Bosnia: Echoes and Consequences of the KPJ-Informbiro Conflict (1948-1953)", where the general public with this event, which has a great impact on the political and socio-economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the appearance of this book until today, there have been attempts to shed light on this issue through several scientific conferences and round tables, and the result has been published collections of papers, as well as articles published in some journals, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and wider.  
117 BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U POLITIČKOJ ORBITI KARAĐORĐEVA I TIKVEŠA // BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN POLITICAL ORBIT OF KARADJORDJEVO AND TIKVES   , Adnan VELAGIĆ
During the 1980s, socialist Yugoslavia was hit by various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist pretensions resolved to realize their old great-power ambitions in a period of general disruption surfaced. Although in this whirlwind of social turmoil the method of military force was used as the dominant and indispensable factor, behind the scenes political arrangements were very often much more effective in realizing certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations were most often a typical expression of grand national aspirations. In this context, one can certainly observe one of the most famous separate negotiations in the 1990s on the soil of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tuđman. Although these talks have not been published to date, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of their mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this paper, the author tried to shed light on the separate Serbo-Croatian efforts to divide the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the statements of Tuđman and Milosevic, and the speeches of their close associates and participants in numerous political talks.
118 DEJTONSKI MIROVNI SPORAZUM – OKONČANJE VELIKODRŽAVNIH PRETENZIJA? // THE DAYTON PEACE AGREEMENT – THE END OF GREATER STATE CLAIMS?   , Meldijana ARNAUT HASELJIĆ
The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Peace Agreement) accepted in Paris on December 14, 1995 was signed by: for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Alija Izetbegović, for the Republic of Croatia dr. Franjo Tudjman and Slobodan Milosevic for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. There are good reasons why the international community has demanded that these people be signatories to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Namely, after unsuccessful attempts to establish an agreement on constitutional solutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, starting with Cutileiro's plan (cantonization of Bosnia and Herzegovina on ethnic grounds), on which talks in Sarajevo began in February 1992, until the conference in London on 26 and On August 27, 1992, it was obvious that the positions of the Serb and Croat sides in Bosnia and Herzegovina were being harmonized with the positions of Belgrade and Zagreb, that is, the policies previously agreed and agreed upon on the Milosevic-Tudjman route. Three delegations participated in the conference in London. On behalf of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Government were President Alija Izetbegović, Minister of Foreign Affairs Haris Silajdžić, Ejup Ganić and General Sefer Halilović. The Bosnian Serb delegation included Radovan Karadzic, RS President Momcilo Krajisnik, RS Vice President and VRS General Ratko Mladic, who were in direct consultations with Belgrade throughout the negotiations. Representatives of Bosnian Croats were the President of HZ HB Mate Boban, then the Prime Minister of Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mile Akmadžić (although he was a member of the Government of Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina, he participated as a member of the Croatian delegation) and General Milivoj Petković. Croatian President Franjo Tudjman also took part in the negotiations and was the unofficial but de facto head of the Croatian delegation. Following the London Conference and the failure of the previous negotiations, the European Community Conference on Yugoslavia was expanded to include the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, chaired by Cyrus Vance (US diplomat on behalf of the UN) and Lord David Owen (on behalf of the EC / U). a new era of peace negotiations. Vance-Owen's plan foresaw the decentralization of Bosnia and Herzegovina within the existing borders with a constitutional order based on federal principles contained in a number of constitutive elements - regions (ten cantons formed on ethnic principles) and with the Sarajevo district where the central government would be located. This plan, after the refusal of the Serbian Assembly from Pale to ratify it, was definitely rejected. This was followed by the Owen-Stoltenberg Peace Plan (Constitutional Agreement on the Alliance of the Republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina) which offered a confederation of Bosnia and Herzegovina composed of three republics made up of ethnicity, but this plan also proved unacceptable. The Contact Group's plan followed the establishment of the Washington Agreement, which established the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in March 1994. This plan provided for the preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a union within its internationally recognized borders, and territorial division according to the percentage of territory (51:49). The Serbian leadership in Pale also refused to accept this proposal. The international community had to look for new solutions. The Contact Group's plan was a step towards negotiations that will result in the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. However, it is important to note that all the plans offered led to the discovery of hidden policies created by the eastern and western neighbors of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, all the proposed proposals for "peace plans", which the international community tried to impose in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were based on constitutional devastation and territorial division, thus accepting armed conquests and occupation of the area with the ultimate goal of destroying its territorial integrity and statehood. sovereignty, which made it obvious that the international community was not ready to protect the sovereignty of an internationally recognized state guaranteed by international law, which was especially denied by the introduction of an arms embargo, which prevented it from protecting its own sovereignty and territorial integrity. What was the role of the signatories of the Dayton Agreement in the preparation and execution of bilateral aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the aim of implementing plans for the partition of Bosnia and the realization of large-scale projects, and whether it determined their position as signatories to the General Framework Agreement? and the topic of trials of international courts with the aim of establishing, proving and convicting committed crimes. What is the significance of the signatories in the establishment and preservation of peace, and whether large-scale projects and plans for their implementation ended with the signing of the Dayton Agreement are questions whose answers are still being sought 25 years after the signing of the agreement. Namely, Slobodan Milosevic, the then president of the Federal Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), before the signing of the Dayton Agreement, appeared before the ICTY as an indictee for crimes committed in the Republics of the former Yugoslavia - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo. The trial was not terminated due to the death of the accused, but the Trial Chamber rendered a decision on the motion for acquittal (Interim Judgment of the Hague Tribunal of 16 June 2004), which established his responsibility for genocide committed in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Franjo Tudjman, the then President of the Republic of Croatia, was identified as a participant in a joint criminal enterprise in a verdict handed down for crimes committed by the Croatian Army (HV) and the Croatian Defense Council (HVO) against the civilian population of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Case IT-04-74 Prlić etc). In its appeal verdict against the Bosnian six, the ICTY Appeals Chamber found that there was an international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the state of occupation, but also confirmed the existence of a Croatian joint criminal enterprise aimed at "ethnic cleansing" certain areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatia's Franjo Tudjman as one of the participants in this JCE. Thus, persons who found themselves in court proceedings and were held responsible for the consequences of the policies they implemented, the commission of crimes and joint criminal enterprises realized in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, became signatories of the Dayton Peace Agreement and guarantors of peace.  
119 POLITIČKE I VOJNE PRILIKE U TUZLANSKO-PODRINJSKOM KANTONU U GODINI DEYTONSKOG MIRA // POLITICAL AND MILITARY CIRCUMSTANCES IN TUZLA-PODRINJE CANTON IN THE YEAR OF THE DAYTON PEACE   , Izet HADŽIĆ, Ahmed HADŽIĆ
At the beginning of the paper we explain the territorial differences between the Washington and Dayton Peace Solutions, which especially refers to the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton and focuses only on the Tuzla region and its specifics in relation to other regions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We then present the basic elements of the Washington Agreement, the meetings that preceded it, the content of the agreement, the principles of the Vienna Agreement important for the organization of the canton, as well as active monitoring and consideration of the agreement by the Tuzla District Assembly and its views on international community plans. We also monitor the implementation and importance of the implementation of the Washington Agreement in the Tuzla region and the creation of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, explain the name of the canton and use demographic data based on the 1991 census to indicate that Podrinje is a Bosniak-majority region. Then we give an overview of how the implementation of the Washington Agreement reflected on the normalization of food prices, the situation in the canton and the strengthening of the combat power of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the II Corps of the Army of B&H. The paper describes the jurisdiction of the President of the Canton, the Government of the Canton, national representation by agreement of SDA and HDZ, the composition of the government, the reasons for non-participation of Serbs in implementation and talks with the Serb Civic Council to participate in organizing ministries. We especially present the activities of the President and the Government of the Canton on supporting the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, II Corps and strengthening defense, budget funds for these purposes: action: „We are all B&H Army“, support for displaced persons and improving living conditions in protected areas of Srebrenica and Žepa We also describe the activities of the authorities during the fall of the protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa, for the care of the displaced population, as well as the requests to the institutions of the international community to stop and prevent genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica. We especially emphasize the activity of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton Ministry of the Interior in preserving public order and peace. We are especially dealing with the military situation in the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, presenting significant military successes through the liberation of Lisača on the Kalesija front, Vis near Gračanica, Vijenac near Lukavac, Greda on Majevica, as well as the crushing of enemy offensives „Spreča-95“ and others. In this paper, we argue the support of Russian diplomacy to the aggressor and link Russia's diplomatic activities through the contact group and other accomplices of the conspiracy group towards the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a complex situation such as that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when a Serbian aggressor with the support of insurgent Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina commits genocide, a joint criminal enterprise with the support of the Croatian state led by Tuđman and Croats mainly from Herzegovina win over Fikret Abdić to organize a quisling creation „autonomous region of Western Bosnia“ and opening a conflict with the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The support of the Tuzla District Assembly to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to stop the war and find a peaceful solution was significant. Also, the authorities of the District of Tuzla vigorously condemned the divisions on the national principle as well as the division of the territory of the District of Tuzla. In this paper, we have processed the proposals of the Assembly of the District of Tuzla to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to individual peace solutions. The inadmissibility of the Dayton Peace Solution for the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton authorities and the SDA Cantonal Committee was specifically addressed as well as the reasons and request to President Alija Izetbegović and the negotiating team of Bosnia and Herzegovina to leave the Dayton negotiations, and then the request to Izetbegović to clarify the reasons for accepting such an unjust peace agreement.  
120 SPRIJEČITI POVRATAK: PROVOĐENJE ANEKSA VII DEJTONSKOG SPORAZUMA ZA MIR U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1995-2020) // PREVENTING RETURN: IMPLEMENTATION OF ANNEX VII OF THE DAYTON PEACE AGREEMENT IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1995-2020)   , Sead SELIMOVIĆ
The armed aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina ended with the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement), initialed in Dayton on November 21, 1995, and signed on December 14, 1995 in Paris „in Bosnian, Croatian, English and the Serbian language“. The Dayton Agreement confirmed the fact that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had real control (power) over the so-called Republika Srpska. Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement determined the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina. There are two entities in the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which consists of 10 cantons, and the Republika Srpska. Apart from the two entities, there is also the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was created by the Decision of the International Arbitration Court. It was established on March 8, 2000. According to the Dayton Agreement, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose official name became „Bosnia and Herzegovina“, continues its legal existence under international law as a state with its internationally recognized borders. It remains a member of the United Nations, and as Bosnia and Herzegovina may retain membership or request membership in organizations within the United Nations system and in other international organizations. The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement) guarantees human rights and „fundamental freedoms“. Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Entities, according to the Constitution, will ensure „the highest degree of internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms.“ For this purpose, the formation of the Commission for Human Rights is also envisaged, as provided for in Annex 6 of the General Framework Agreement. The issue of the return of refugees and displaced persons is addressed in Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement, entitled „Agreement on Refugees and Displaced Persons“. According to Annex 7, all refugees and displaced persons have the right to return freely to their homes and have the right to restitution of property confiscated from them during hostilities since 1991 and to receive compensation for all property that cannot be returned to them. The „Agreement“ states that the return of refugees and displaced persons is an important goal of resolving the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the period 1995-2020. The authorities of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian entity of Republika Srpska did not give up on the project of „separation of peoples“. The implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement has been obstructed in various ways: by killings, beatings, intimidation, attacks on religious buildings and in other ways. Obstructions in the implementation of Annex 7 were also carried out in the entity of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this was not as pronounced as in Republika Srpska. The first return of displaced persons (refugees and displaced persons) was to the settlement of Mahala, which until the Dayton Agreement was located in the municipality of Kalesija and after Dayton in the municipality of Osmaci in the entity of Republika Srpska. It was August 24, 1996. This was followed by the return of Bosniaks to the settlements of Jusići and Dugi dio in the municipality of Zvornik and Svjetliča in the municipality of Doboj. These events also marked the official start of the implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the Dayton Agreement guaranteed the return of the exiles, everything went much harder on the ground, and there were also human casualties. Between 1992 and 1995, approximately 2.2 million people in Bosnia and Herzegovina were forced to flee their homes as a result of the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina. About 1.2 million people have applied for refugee protection in more than 100 countries around the world, while countries in the region have accepted about 40% of the total number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Almost one million people were internally displaced in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the beginning of 2003, the Strategy of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was adopted. It was the first, at the level of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, harmonized, framework document which sets goals and plans the necessary actions and reforms towards the final implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement. According to the 2015 UNHCR Annual Statistical Report, the number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina outside the country was 18,748. Of these, 9,080 had refugee status in Serbia, 4,055 in France, 2,274 in Switzerland, 1,412 in Germany, and the remaining number in other countries. It is estimated that at the end of 1995 there were about one million displaced persons, accounting for almost a quarter of Bosnia and Herzegovina's pre-war population. The first comprehensive, official census of displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina was conducted at the end of 2000, when 557,275 displaced persons were registered. The 2005 audit of the status of displaced persons identified 186,138 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees from 2016, there were 98,574 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which 38,345 or 40.6% were displaced in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 59,834 or 58.8% in the Republika Srpska and 395 or 0.5% in the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the ethnic structure of displaced persons, according to the head of household - families, 32.7% (10,667 families and 30,920 persons) are Bosniaks, 60.0% (19,565 families and 60,737 persons) Serbs, 6.7% (2,195 families and 6,374 persons) Croats and 0.6% (184 families and 542 persons) Others. According to the 2016 data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees, by the end of 2016, around 341,000 housing units had been built or renovated in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the Bosnian entity of Republika Srpska, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. In addition, high-ranking officials from the Republika Srpska in public appearances deny the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks as a people, deny genocide against Bosniaks, which affects the perspective of the people of this area. Streets in cities bear the names of war criminals from the Second World War and the period of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, busts of war criminals are being built, schools and other state institutions are being „sanctified“, etc. In the period 1995-2020. Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was not fully implemented in 2006, as an important factor in the reintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the recognition of the results of armed aggression and genocide against Bosniaks.  
121 BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U AKTUELNIM SRPSKIM I HRVATSKIM POLITIČKIM KONCEPCIJAMA // BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN CURRENT SERBIAN AND CROATIAN POLITICAL CONCEPTIONS   , Omer HAMZIĆ
In this article, with some methodological dilemmas, an attempt is made to speak more clearly from a certain historical perspective about the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which „produce“ an almost permanent political crisis in this area - from Dayton to today. The continuity and current effects of these policies, which have their roots in some dark historical depths and myths, never changing their essence and their goals, were pointed out. In the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions, Bosnia and Herzegovina is treated as a „sphere of interest“, which should be mastered as much as possible in peace, if it did not succeed in the war. Serbia and Croatia, in the historical sense, since they have existed as political entities, have been opposed to each other in almost everything. The only thing on which there was a high degree of agreement was the question of the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina, again depending on historical circumstances and other circumstances. (to mention only Tudjman and Milosevic). In the last few years, intensive cooperation and a high degree of „agreement“ between Serbian and Croatian politics have been noticed, again „regarding“ Bosnia and Herzegovina, its status and the definitive post-Dayton division. In this sense, it is not difficult to recognize several common characteristics of both policies. In this article, the author focuses on the following: the first is a declarative and formal public declaration of both to respect the integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in practical politics this sovereignty is continuously violated and „trampled“, acting as its „rulers“. . Another common feature is the belittling and labeling of all pro-Bosnian political forces, reducing them to „political Sarajevo“ in the pejorative sense of the word, with multiple offensive and deeper meanings, which, in addition to Milorad Dodik (to make the absurd even greater, as president or member of the Presidency of BiH) from the Serbian one, Zoran Milanović, the current president of Croatia, until yesterday a declared friend of Bosnia and the pro-Bosnian SDP, is increasingly expressing himself in his own way. Obstruction of the process of reforms and rapprochement of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the European Union and NATO membership is the third session of the characteristics of Serbian and Croatian politics (albeit in different versions), while the fourth, denial of decisions and verdicts of the Hague Tribunal for crimes and atrocities is dominant over Bosniaks (again in a different version): Serbs deny genocide verdicts, and Croats deny convictions for the Joint Criminal Enterprise. In addition to common characteristics, this paper highlights some special features of the current Serbian and Croatian policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, again, boils down to one goal: to strengthen (make independent) the Republika Srpska and cantons with a Croat majority, as well as the position of Croats in Federation with the aim of forming a third entity and at the same time weaken the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the question of the meaning of its existence is raised. The state's inability to organize the procurement of coronavirus vaccines is just one of the latest proofs that these destructive political forces have succeeded to a great extent. This article points out the consequences of such a policy and emphasizes the need to stop further degradation and collapse of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. Such forces exist, they just have to be activated.  
122 POSTDEJTONSKO TRAGANJE ZA PRAVDOM: SUĐENJA ZA RATNE ZLOČINE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI PRED NADLEŽNIM SUDOVIMA // THE POST-DAYTON SEARCH FOR JUSTICE: WAR CRIMES TRIALS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA BEFORE COMPETENT COURTS   , Vedad GURDA, Dževad MAHMUTOVIĆ, Maja IVELJIĆ
The armed conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995, which ended with the conclusion of the so-called The Dayton Peace Agreement was marked by serious violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms and the commission of horrific war crimes. Prosecution of defendants for these crimes takes place at several levels, ie before: a) the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), b) domestic courts and c) courts of certain foreign states. The paper analyzes certain indicators related to the prosecution of these crimes, their scope and structure, as well as the ratio of convictions and acquittals for certain war crimes, the scope of application of conventional and summary forms of ending criminal cases and court policy of sanctioning perpetrators. It was learned that by the end of 2020, hundreds of criminal proceedings against approximately a thousand defendants had been completed. Most of the accused were prosecuted before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Court of B&H), followed by the ICTY, and a slightly smaller number before the courts of the former SFRY and some Western European countries. The research established that before the ICTY, out of the total number of accused for war crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as many as 90.2% were convicted of some of these crimes, while the rate of convicted in relation to accused before the Court of B&H was 67.2% , and before the courts in the Republic of Serbia 70.2%. It is interesting that before the ICTY as many as 24.3% of the accused were convicted in summary proceedings on the basis of a plea agreement, while before the Court of B&H 13,3% of the accused were convicted using a plea bargaining as a consensual model for ending criminal cases. So far, 22 people have been convicted of the crime of genocide as the most serious crime before the ICTY, the Court of B&H and German courts, and all convictions related to the activities of the Army of Republika Srpska during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes. Finally, it was found that certain courts, especially Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes.  
123 DEJTONSKE KONTROVERZE – JAVNO ODLUČIVANJE IZMEĐU PARLAMENTARNE DEMOKRATIJE I PARTITOKRATIJE // THE DAYTON CONTROVERSIES – PUBLIC DECISION-MAKING BETWEEN PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AND PARTITOCRACY   , Emir TAHIROVIĆ, Ermin KUKA
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the pluralization of society and the state began during 1990. This is the time when political parties are formed and the first multi-party parliamentary elections are held. Due to the strong influence and domination of the ethnic principle, political parties were formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 in two basic forms: as ethnic or people's (national) parties, and as civic (multiethnic) parties. In almost all election cycles from the beginning of the pluralization of Bosnian society until today, ethnic political parties have won the elections. Ethnic political parties have appropriated a monopoly in the promotion of national interests since the 1990 election campaign, guided by the idea of ​​protecting the national interests of “their“ peoples. The continued rule of ethnic parties without a coalition political agenda and agreement has strengthened ethnic pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, instead of democratic decision-making and competition between the majority and the opposition, the representative bodies in Bosnia and Herzegovina have become an arena and a place of mutual competition and confrontation between the parties that make up the parliamentary majority. The lack of the necessary democratic consensus between the ruling ethnic political parties at the state level was compensated and compensated by the High Representative of the International Community (OHR), who, on the basis of the Bonn powers, promulgated certain laws. Hundreds of laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been promulgated by high representatives. This prevented blockages in the work of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the absence of the necessary consensus of the ruling ethnic parties, it is not possible to develop or strengthen the power of parliaments as the highest representative body of the people and citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Instead of parliamentary democracy, classical partitocracy is at work. The situation is similar at the entity level, and at the cantonal level in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina entity. All this, along with heterogeneous and complicated decision-making procedures and processes, ultimately reflects on the adoption of laws and decisions of importance to society and the state. Complicated forms of decision-making and the existence of a famous mechanism for the protection of vital national interests are some of the obstacles to the development of the state and society. All of these are some of the essential problems, but also the controversies that follow the decision-making processes in the representative bodies in the country. This is especially true of the adoption of important and significant public policies aimed at solving socio-political problems. Only decision-making at the level of local self-government units (municipalities and cities) can serve as a positive example. In general, the local level of government has so far proved to be the most efficient level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The basis for strengthening the democratic decision-making capacities of the representative bodies of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is contained in the application of the democratic principle on which parliamentary democracy is established and functions. Applying almost all basic and general scientific research methods, as well as the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation as a method of data acquisition, will identify key problems and controversies of public decision-making and policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the period after the Dayton Peace Agreement. today. A conclusion will be drawn on the need to establish a parliamentary majority based on the coalition agreement and the political program of that coalition, which significantly affects the public decision-making processes and the adoption of the necessary state public policy. Bosnia and Herzegovina is required to reconstruct public decisions in the direction of strengthening state public decisions and policies and building European standards, in order to more efficiently compose them with the requirements and directives of the European Union.  
124 ZNAČAJ NEVLADINIH ORGANIZACIJA U DONOŠENJU JAVNIH POLITIKA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI U VREMENU NAKON DEJTONSKOG SPORAZUMA // THE IMPORTANCE OF NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS IN PUBLIC POLICY-MAKING IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE TIME AFTER THE DAYTON AGREEMENT   , Hazim OKANOVIĆ
The main goal of this paper is to investigate the mechanisms of the influence of NGOs on public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14, 1995 in Paris. The sharp increase in the number of NGOs occurs immediately after the Dayton Accords, and according to some estimates, there were more than 1,500 at the time, which cannot be considered a large number when compared to the number of NGOs in other transition countries. Data from the Collective Register of Foundations and Associations in Bosnia and Herzegovina state that their total number is 25,646, while the number of actually active is difficult to determine. The literature so far has been presented from the non-governmental sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina to a significant extent for public policy making, as well as research results and these claims primarily based on the number of qualitative impact diaries of individual NGOs (case studies). This research paper aims at systematic research of the domain of influence of the non-governmental sector, through quantitative analysis of newly collected data on the influence of non-governmental organizations. The survey was proven at the local, cantonal, authorial and state level on a representative and stratified sample (10% - according to the statistical method) and was trained by the leadership and activists of non-governmental organizations and government officials (ministries and state administrative organizations). One of the main assumptions is that by successfully networking with organizations from neighboring EU member states, NGOs become a respectable actor in public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to quantitative analysis, this paper provides a detailed overview and theoretical analysis of civil society, NGO sector and public policies as well as a comparative insight into institutional and non-institutional mechanisms of NGO influence on public policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their practical application in neighboring countries European Union. This paper contributes to a better understanding of the role of the non-governmental sector (association) in public advocacy and the analysis and comparison of current theories of the legal policy framework, structure, size, factors of development of the non-governmental sector. In addition, the paper contributes to the assessment of the current state of the mechanism of influence on the creation of public policy agendas in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the formulation of measures for internal structures and networking of NGOs and the definition of their number, structure and types. The problem of the research is reflected in the fact that the started processes of transformation and the unfinished process of transition of the Bosnian society and civil sector are, due to the war destructions, significantly slowed down. Changes in society in the pre-war phase created realistic preconditions for the development of the non-governmental sector and civil society in general, and provided a realistic basis for influencing the advocacy and creation of various public policies. In the post-war period, international donors invested heavily in the NGO sector. The subject of this research is the influence of the non-governmental sector on policy-making processes, through knowledge of institutional mechanisms, as well as the correlation of the non-governmental sector and public policies from the aspect of democracy development as an integral process in all its aspects. Given that this topic has previously been partially addressed in this context, through a systematic review of the problem and offering an adequate solution to the problem, it is necessary to re-examine the key issues. The key issues explored within this paper are how networking with neighboring EU Member States has a positive impact (has a positive association) on the importance of NGOs in advocating for public policies. In addition, the extent to which financial support from EU institutions has a positive impact on the importance of NGOs in advocating for public policies has been explored.  
125 FENOMEN FRAGILNIH DRŽAVA: BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA // THE PHENOMENON OF FRAGILE STATES: BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA   , Sead BANDŽOVIĆ
The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries  by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values ​​of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.
126 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Sead Selimović, Za jedinstvo domovine i slavu dinastije. Školstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini za vrijeme Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021, 442 str. , Semir HADŽIMUSIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Sead Selimović, Za jedinstvo domovine i slavu dinastije. Školstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini za vrijeme Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021, 442 str.
127 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Izet Šabotić, Tvrda kora i krvave brazde: Agrarna reforma i kolonizacija  u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1945. do 1948. godine, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021, 369 str. , Ibrahim KABIL
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Izet Šabotić, Tvrda kora i krvave brazde: Agrarna reforma i kolonizacija  u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1945. do 1948. godine, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021, 369 str.
128 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Senaid Hadžić, Veliki zaokret: Bosna i Hercegovina u vremenu tranzicije (od 1880-ih do 1950-ih), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla i Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona, Tuzla 2021, 493 str. , Izet ŠABOTIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Senaid Hadžić, Veliki zaokret: Bosna i Hercegovina u vremenu tranzicije (od 1880-ih do 1950-ih), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla i Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona, Tuzla 2021, 493 str.
129 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Pljevaljski sidžil – Istorijski izvor vrijedan posebne pažnje. Šerbo Rastoder (priredio), Turski (osmanski) izvori za istoriju Crne Gore – Pljevaljski sidžil, knj. 2, tom 1, CANU, Podgorica 2021, 833 str. , Sait Š. ŠABOTIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Pljevaljski sidžil – Istorijski izvor vrijedan posebne pažnje. Šerbo Rastoder (priredio), Turski (osmanski) izvori za istoriju Crne Gore – Pljevaljski sidžil, knj. 2, tom 1, CANU, Podgorica 2021, 833 str.
130 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Emir Demir, Stanovništvo Kaknja u osmanskom periodu, Udruženje Kreativni centar za edukaciju i obrazovanje „Spektrum“, Sarajevo 2021, 187 str. , Alen ZEČEVIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Emir Demir, Stanovništvo Kaknja u osmanskom periodu, Udruženje Kreativni centar za edukaciju i obrazovanje „Spektrum“, Sarajevo 2021, 187 str.
131 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Arts, Archeology), posebno izdanje: Reflections on Life and Society in the Western Balkans. Studies in the History of Bosnia and Herzegovina, knjiga 7, broj 2, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo 2020, 321 str. , Emina MOSTIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Arts, Archeology), posebno izdanje: Reflections on Life and Society in the Western Balkans. Studies in the History of Bosnia and Herzegovina, knjiga 7, broj 2, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo 2020, 321 str.
132 PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Hikmet Karčić, Derviš M. Korkut: A Biography, El-Kalem i Institut za islamsku tradiciju Bošnjaka, Sarajevo 2020, 85 str. , Omer MERZIĆ
PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Hikmet Karčić, Derviš M. Korkut: A Biography, El-Kalem i Institut za islamsku tradiciju Bošnjaka, Sarajevo 2020, 85 str.
133 IZVJEŠTAJ//CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa Naučne konferencije Alimi Srebrenice i njihova uloga u duhovnom i društvenom životu Bošnjaka, Srebrenica, 6. juli 2021. godine , Emir ŠEČIĆ
IZVJEŠTAJ//CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa Naučne konferencije Alimi Srebrenice i njihova uloga u duhovnom i društvenom životu Bošnjaka, Srebrenica, 6. juli 2021. godine
134 Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2020. godini // Activities of Center for Research of Modern and Contemporary History Tuzla in 2020. , Jasmin JAJČEVIĆ
Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2020. godini // Activities of Center for Research of Modern and Contemporary History Tuzla in 2020.