• We are available for your help 24/7
  • Email: info@isindexing.com, submission@isindexing.com


International Journal of Politics and Security

Journal Papers (43) Details Call for Paper Manuscript submission Publication Ethics Contact Authors' Guide Line
1 IŞİD’in Hibrit Savaş Stratejileri: Hibrit Savaş Konsepti Perspektifinden Analizi ,
2 Aegean Disputes Between Turkey and Greece: Turkish and Greek Claims and Motivations in The Framework Of Legal and Political Perspectives ,
3 Küresel İlişkiler Bağlamında Çin’in Afrika’daki Ekonomi Politiği: Nijerya, Angola, Sudan ve Demokratik Kongo Cumhuriyeti Örnekleri ,
4 Violence and Human Development: A Perspectıve From Amartya Sen , Gerry Flores ARAMBALA
Political violence is a broad term that is often identified with acts of violence perpetuated by individuals or the state with the lone purpose of achieving political goals. Political violence may come in two modes, either as political terrorism or counter terrorism. The former is determined as the aggressive manipulation of an individual’s judgments by threats and intimidations to achieve political change. The latter presupposes the preventive measures the government is doing in fighting against all forms of terrorism, which inevitably lead to war. This paper is intended to examine how both of these forms of political violence affect the development of an individual, following Amartya Sen’s capability approach. This paper will argue, in the end, that the best way of solving arm conflicts is democratic dialogue. This paper, following Sen, adheres to the idea that any attempt of solving violence by resorting to war is futile. War in all its form is destructive to the claim of individual development. The government that readily engages into war without having to consider first any democratic dialogues in solving arm conflicts is not fulfilling its task of protecting and prioritizing the development of the people. In war there is no individual development.
5 Globalization, Nation State and Radical Right In Western Europe: A Relational Analysis , Ahmet KARADAĞ, M. Nazım UYGUR
6 Between Representation and the ‘Real’: the Remaking of Terrorism in Modernity   , Tianyang LIU
Terrorism Studies have long been dominated by the language of security studies. This domination obscures our understanding of terrorism as a social process constructed through discourse and inter-subjective practices. This research will examine the processes of representing and remaking terrorism in self-consciousness, systemic rationalities of sovereign state and modernity itself, by which to illuminate the distortion, alienation and mistranslation between the interpretation of terrorism and the ‘reality’ of terrorism. To this end, it will critically engage with existing literature about academic understanding of terrorism and re-categorize it into three dominant modes—mythic mode, objectification mode and re-subjectification mode. Then it will demonstrate and examine the gap between different modes of representation of terrorism and the acts of terrorism by investigating the ways in which the phenomenon of terrorism is reconstructed through modern subjectivity and mistranslated in political systemic representation of terrorism. This research will conclude by illuminating the basic trend behind the perception of terrorism; that is, the subjectivity presented in the individual understanding of terrorist threat is increasingly eroded, subordinated and dominated by the social systemic interpretation of terrorism in modernity.  
7 Algeria’s Turbulent Path to Democracy: Missed Chances and The Fall of Abdelaziz Bouteflika   , Israel Nyaburi Nyadera Billy Agwanda    
The disastrous consequences some Middle East and North African countries experienced as a result of the Arab Spring diluted any hopes that another wave of people driven demands for democracy would be on the horizon in the region. Therefore, when protestors poured on the streets of major cities in Algeria demanding an end to the reign of president Bouteflika, who was contesting the presidency for a fifth term, many remained sceptical that this would result to a now familiar case of bloodshed and destruction as being witnessed in Yemen, Syria and Libya. This article seeks to examine Algeria’s turbulent journey in search of democracy, the missed opportunities and the bloodless fall of Bouteflika. It argues that the involvement of the military in Algeria’s politics has been the biggest obstacle to democracy, and the recent events that led to the fall of the military supported regime of Bouteflika could mark the beginning of a hopeful path to political reforms.  
8 The Return of the Political: Chantal Mouffe and Ozamiz City Politics , Gerry F. Arambala
For nearly two decades, Ozamiz city was ruled by a political dynasty whose predatory politics has brought about the radical deficit of democracy in the state. Politics in the city is characterized with political harassments and violence. For three decades the ruling family succeeded in reformulating the democratic values of popular sovereignty and political antagonism in the city’s democratic institutions, that they were able to rule the city without any threats of popular uprising and protestations. With their political machinery they were able to hostage the people of Ozamiz; often denying most of the citizens’ freedom to insist on their fundamental democratic rights and entitlements. However, with the advent of the radical leadership exemplified by Chief Inspector Jovi Espenido, the fate of democracy in the city is changed from an authoritarian predatory system to a more open and democratic system. From a predatory state ruled by warlords and power predators to a liberal democratic state which embraces the fundamental democratic principles of liberty and equality.  This paper intends to examine the state of politics of Ozamiz city following Chantal Mouffe’s radical democratic paradigm. It aims to elucidate how Mouffe’s antagonistic democracy fits to the state of politics in Ozamiz after the progressive leadership of Jovi Espinido was realized.  
9 Avrupa Birliği’ne Uyum Sürecinde Türkiye’nin Siber Güvenlik Stratejileri , Salim KURNAZ S. Mustafa ÖNEN
Her ülke, kendi bilişim sistemlerini siber saldırılardan korumak ve sahip olduğu bilgi ve verileri güvenliğini sağlamak için etkin ve sürdürülebilir bir siber güvenlik stratejisi geliştirmek ve uygulamak zorundadır. Günümüzde siber güvenlik olgusu, artık her ülkenin ulusal güvenliğinin birer parçası halini almıştır. Yaşadığı siber saldırılar sonrası AB; siber güvenliğe yönelik stratejilerini ve yasal düzenlemelerini 2000’li yıllar itibari ile oluşturmuştur. Ayrıca AB, siber güvenlik stratejilerini uygulamak üzere gerekli kurumlarını da hayata geçirmiştir. Buna karşılık Türkiye’deki siber güvenlik stratejilerinin belirlenmesi ve iyileştirilmesi konusunun AB’nin siber güvenlik stratejileri ile karşılaştırıldığında; Türkiye’deki yapının henüz oluşum safhasında olduğu fark edilmektedir. Bu noktada Türkiye’nin AB uyum sürecinde AB’nin siber güvenlik stratejileri ile ilgili yasal ve kurumsal düzenlemelerini öncelikle gözden geçirmesi gerekmektedir. Bu çalışmanın esas amacı, AB tarafından hayata geçirilen siber güvenlik stratejilerinin yasal ve kurumsal boyutunu inceleyerek Türkiye’deki siber güvenlik stratejilerinin oluşturulmasına ve geliştirilmesine belli ölçüde katkı sağlamaktır.  Çalışmada ilk olarak siber güvenlik kavramı ve türleri ele alınacaktır. Ardından Avrupa Birliği tarafından uygulanan siber güvenlik stratejileri ile Türkiye’de uygulamaya konan belli başlı siber güvenlik stratejileri kapsamında başlıca yasal ve kurumsal düzenlemeleri incelenecektir. Çalışmanın sonunda ise, ulusal siber güvenlik stratejilerinin oluşturulması ve iyileştirilmesi kapsamında mevcut düzenlemeler kısaca değerlendirilerek birtakım öneriler geliştirilecektir.  
10 Arap Baharı ve Tunus’un Yasemin Devrimi’ni Yeniden Anlamak   , Yusuf SAYIN
Bu çalışma, sömürgecilik sonrası süreçte önemli bir kırılma noktası olan, Tunus Yasemin Devrimi’nin sekizinci yılında değerlendirilmesine odaklanmaktadır. “Arap Baharı” olarak adlandırılan, etkilediği Ortadoğu ülkelerine kaos, devrim ve karşı-devrim ve darbe süreçleri yaşatan bu yeni aşama, bilhassa bölgesel değişim ve dönüşüm temalı yeni sürecin gölgesi altında gerçekleşmiştir. Arap Baharı sürecinde yaşanan Tunus tecrübesi, diğer ülkelere kıyasla daha çatışmasız ve yumuşak bir sürece işaret ederken, bu durumun ortaya çıkışında özellikle hareketlenmelerin başlarında Tunus’ta sivil toplum kuruluşlarının ve siyasal partilerinin faaliyetleri önündeki yasal ve siyasi engellerin kaldırılmasının ve Nahda Hareketi’nin ve lideri Raşid El Gannuşi’nin sergilediği uzlaşmacı liderlik anlayışının etkisi olduğu ifade edilebilir. Bu çalışmada, Tunus’ta gerçekleşen Yasemin Devrimi sürecine, Devrimin bölgesel ve uluslararası yansımalarına ve sekizinci yılında Devrimin geldiği aşamaya değinilmiştir.  
11 Political Philosophy of Al Farabi and the Logic of the Integration and Solidarity in the International Area   , Fikret BİRDİŞLİ
The classical theories and literature dominated by the ideas of Western philosophers and thinkers in the Political Philosophy.  Therefore, the western centrism perceived as a problem because of univocally denseness of in this field. This article scrutinize ideas of Al Farabi in context of classical idealism, because of his different approach or comment to same logical design. Famous theory of Al Farabi, the ideal state, expose different logic of the collaboration and solidarity from classical idealism by defining core value on personal perfectness and maturity instead of maximizing material interest. According to Al Farabi, solidarity and collaboration not only creating ideal conditions for having good governance, but also caused to the personal perfectness which is better serve to the stable integration and durable political system. The meaning of the collaboration and integration is a kind of societal evolution of the personality that begin from family and extend to the international community for serving better world by creating of ideal citizenship. In this context, ideas of Al Farabi contribute different meaning to the logic of collaboration, besides explanations of the idealism and liberalism. In addition, his contemplation about ideal city has include many reference for modern political ideas and concept. Therefore, Al Farabi may a reference from Eastern world and Islamic teaching for the modern political contemplations such a democracy, international integration, cosmopolitanism etc.    
12 BOOK REVIEW Critical Theory and World Politics, Richard Wyn Jones (Ed.), Lynne Rienner, London, 2001, 259 sayfa,   , Emre Baran PAK
13 Between Representation and the ‘Real’: the Remaking of Terrorism in Modernity   , Tianyang LIU
Terrorism Studies have long been dominated by the language of security studies. This domination obscures our understanding of terrorism as a social process constructed through discourse and inter-subjective practices. This research will examine the processes of representing and remaking terrorism in self-consciousness, systemic rationalities of sovereign state and modernity itself, by which to illuminate the distortion, alienation and mistranslation between the interpretation of terrorism and the ‘reality’ of terrorism. To this end, it will critically engage with existing literature about academic understanding of terrorism and re-categorize it into three dominant modes—mythic mode, objectification mode and re-subjectification mode. Then it will demonstrate and examine the gap between different modes of representation of terrorism and the acts of terrorism by investigating the ways in which the phenomenon of terrorism is reconstructed through modern subjectivity and mistranslated in political systemic representation of terrorism. This research will conclude by illuminating the basic trend behind the perception of terrorism; that is, the subjectivity presented in the individual understanding of terrorist threat is increasingly eroded, subordinated and dominated by the social systemic interpretation of terrorism in modernity.  
14 Algeria’s Turbulent Path to Democracy: Missed Chances and The Fall of Abdelaziz Bouteflika   , Israel Nyaburi Nyadera Billy Agwanda  
The disastrous consequences some Middle East and North African countries experienced as a result of the Arab Spring diluted any hopes that another wave of people driven demands for democracy would be on the horizon in the region. Therefore, when protestors poured on the streets of major cities in Algeria demanding an end to the reign of president Bouteflika, who was contesting the presidency for a fifth term, many remained sceptical that this would result to a now familiar case of bloodshed and destruction as being witnessed in Yemen, Syria and Libya. This article seeks to examine Algeria’s turbulent journey in search of democracy, the missed opportunities and the bloodless fall of Bouteflika. It argues that the involvement of the military in Algeria’s politics has been the biggest obstacle to democracy, and the recent events that led to the fall of the military supported regime of Bouteflika could mark the beginning of a hopeful path to political reforms.  
15 The Return of the Political: Chantal Mouffe and Ozamiz City Politics , Gerry F. Arambala
For nearly two decades, Ozamiz city was ruled by a political dynasty whose predatory politics has brought about the radical deficit of democracy in the state. Politics in the city is characterized with political harassments and violence. For three decades the ruling family succeeded in reformulating the democratic values of popular sovereignty and political antagonism in the city’s democratic institutions, that they were able to rule the city without any threats of popular uprising and protestations. With their political machinery they were able to hostage the people of Ozamiz; often denying most of the citizens’ freedom to insist on their fundamental democratic rights and entitlements. However, with the advent of the radical leadership exemplified by Chief Inspector Jovi Espenido, the fate of democracy in the city is changed from an authoritarian predatory system to a more open and democratic system. From a predatory state ruled by warlords and power predators to a liberal democratic state which embraces the fundamental democratic principles of liberty and equality.  This paper intends to examine the state of politics of Ozamiz city following Chantal Mouffe’s radical democratic paradigm. It aims to elucidate how Mouffe’s antagonistic democracy fits to the state of politics in Ozamiz after the progressive leadership of Jovi Espinido was realized.  
16 Avrupa Birliği’ne Uyum Sürecinde Türkiye’nin Siber Güvenlik Stratejileri , Salim KURNAZ S. Mustafa ÖNEN
Her ülke, kendi bilişim sistemlerini siber saldırılardan korumak ve sahip olduğu bilgi ve verileri güvenliğini sağlamak için etkin ve sürdürülebilir bir siber güvenlik stratejisi geliştirmek ve uygulamak zorundadır. Günümüzde siber güvenlik olgusu, artık her ülkenin ulusal güvenliğinin birer parçası halini almıştır. Yaşadığı siber saldırılar sonrası AB; siber güvenliğe yönelik stratejilerini ve yasal düzenlemelerini 2000’li yıllar itibari ile oluşturmuştur. Ayrıca AB, siber güvenlik stratejilerini uygulamak üzere gerekli kurumlarını da hayata geçirmiştir. Buna karşılık Türkiye’deki siber güvenlik stratejilerinin belirlenmesi ve iyileştirilmesi konusunun AB’nin siber güvenlik stratejileri ile karşılaştırıldığında; Türkiye’deki yapının henüz oluşum safhasında olduğu fark edilmektedir. Bu noktada Türkiye’nin AB uyum sürecinde AB’nin siber güvenlik stratejileri ile ilgili yasal ve kurumsal düzenlemelerini öncelikle gözden geçirmesi gerekmektedir. Bu çalışmanın esas amacı, AB tarafından hayata geçirilen siber güvenlik stratejilerinin yasal ve kurumsal boyutunu inceleyerek Türkiye’deki siber güvenlik stratejilerinin oluşturulmasına ve geliştirilmesine belli ölçüde katkı sağlamaktır.  Çalışmada ilk olarak siber güvenlik kavramı ve türleri ele alınacaktır. Ardından Avrupa Birliği tarafından uygulanan siber güvenlik stratejileri ile Türkiye’de uygulamaya konan belli başlı siber güvenlik stratejileri kapsamında başlıca yasal ve kurumsal düzenlemeleri incelenecektir. Çalışmanın sonunda ise, ulusal siber güvenlik stratejilerinin oluşturulması ve iyileştirilmesi kapsamında mevcut düzenlemeler kısaca değerlendirilerek birtakım öneriler geliştirilecektir.  
17 Arap Baharı ve Tunus’un Yasemin Devrimi’ni Yeniden Anlamak   , Yusuf SAYIN
Bu çalışma, sömürgecilik sonrası süreçte önemli bir kırılma noktası olan, Tunus Yasemin Devrimi’nin sekizinci yılında değerlendirilmesine odaklanmaktadır. “Arap Baharı” olarak adlandırılan, etkilediği Ortadoğu ülkelerine kaos, devrim ve karşı-devrim ve darbe süreçleri yaşatan bu yeni aşama, bilhassa bölgesel değişim ve dönüşüm temalı yeni sürecin gölgesi altında gerçekleşmiştir. Arap Baharı sürecinde yaşanan Tunus tecrübesi, diğer ülkelere kıyasla daha çatışmasız ve yumuşak bir sürece işaret ederken, bu durumun ortaya çıkışında özellikle hareketlenmelerin başlarında Tunus’ta sivil toplum kuruluşlarının ve siyasal partilerinin faaliyetleri önündeki yasal ve siyasi engellerin kaldırılmasının ve Nahda Hareketi’nin ve lideri Raşid El Gannuşi’nin sergilediği uzlaşmacı liderlik anlayışının etkisi olduğu ifade edilebilir. Bu çalışmada, Tunus’ta gerçekleşen Yasemin Devrimi sürecine, Devrimin bölgesel ve uluslararası yansımalarına ve sekizinci yılında Devrimin geldiği aşamaya değinilmiştir.  
18 Political Philosophy of Al Farabi and the Logic of the Integration and Solidarity in the International Area , Fikret BİRDİŞLİ
The classical theories and literature dominated by the ideas of Western philosophers and thinkers in the Political Philosophy.  Therefore, the western centrism perceived as a problem because of univocally denseness of in this field. This article scrutinize ideas of Al Farabi in context of classical idealism, because of his different approach or comment to same logical design. Famous theory of Al Farabi, the ideal state, expose different logic of the collaboration and solidarity from classical idealism by defining core value on personal perfectness and maturity instead of maximizing material interest. According to Al Farabi, solidarity and collaboration not only creating ideal conditions for having good governance, but also caused to the personal perfectness which is better serve to the stable integration and durable political system. The meaning of the collaboration and integration is a kind of societal evolution of the personality that begin from family and extend to the international community for serving better world by creating of ideal citizenship. In this context, ideas of Al Farabi contribute different meaning to the logic of collaboration, besides explanations of the idealism and liberalism. In addition, his contemplation about ideal city has include many reference for modern political ideas and concept. Therefore, Al Farabi may a reference from Eastern world and Islamic teaching for the modern political contemplations such a democracy, international integration, cosmopolitanism etc.    
19 Critical Theory and World Politics, Richard Wyn Jones (Ed.) (Book Review) , Emre Baran PAK
Eleştirel Teori’nin Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplini ile özdeşleştirilmesine yönelik çabalara sıklıkla rastlanılmaktadır. Richard Wyn Jones tarafından editörlüğü üstlenilen “Critical Theory and World Politics” adlı eser de böyle bir amaç gütmekte ve Eleştirel Teori çerçevesinde siyaset bilimi ve uluslararası ilişkiler arasında köprü kurmayı amaçlayan bir bağlam sunmaktadır.             Marxist yaklaşımlar ve Eleştirel Teori üzerine yayımlanmış birçok eseri bulunan ve halen Cardiff Üniversitesi’nde çalışmalarını sürdüren Richard Wyn Jones’un editörlüğünü üstlendiği bu eser, Wales (Galler) Üniversitesi’nde gerçekleştirilen bir kongrenin bildiri metinlerinin derlenmesinden oluşmaktadır.  
20 Drivers of Political Radicalization and De-radicalization of Terrorism in Northern Nigeria  , Neba Ridley NGWA
This article sheds more light on the role of states and the bearing which political and elite interests may have exerted on public support for Boko Haram. It examines the political, socio-economic, and ideological context of the crisis and moves on to map the two dominant de-radicalization approaches; top-down and bottom-up approaches. The article exposes the fault lines of realism’s top-down approaches toward national security in Northern Nigeria and proposes a bottom-up approach as a complement to the earlier top-down model. An evaluation of both approaches reveals that top-down approaches are state-centric and are predisposed to realist techniques of wars centered on threat, use and control of military force. The work specifically argues for a hybrid security model that incorporates both elements on top down and bottom up security approaches.  The key theoretical considerations employed in the article relates to micro and macro theories of collective political violence. The theories provide a better understanding of the underlying drivers of violent extremism and radicalization that leads to terrorism and also justification for the approaches used in countering them. The article answered key research questions related to Top-down and Bottom-up security approaches.  
21 Analysis of the Intra-State Conflict in Afghanistan   , Mudassir FATAH
Afghanistan has been the hotbed of the international conflict since the Soviet invasion in December 1979. The decade long foreign troop presence mainly initiated the conflict within the different communities in Afghanistan. the withdrawal of the Soviets in no way marked the end of the Afghan conflict. With the Soviet withdrawal gave rise to a power vacuum and then the Taliban. The withdrawal of the Soviets intensified the intra-state conflict in Afghanistan and also the involvement of the external actors. The involvement of the external actors further intensified the intra-state conflict and the same continued till 1996. Afghanistan witnessed a kind of a stability for a brief period with the rise of the Taliban. The Soviet invasion and the civil war had already given rise to multiple militias and they continuously engaged the Taliban government/forces, and Afghanistan never saw the peace. The Taliban government too was not elected, so the challenges were bound to rise. The conflict continued till 2001. After the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US, the conflict in Afghanistan took a new turn. US intervened in Afghanistan to dislodge the Taliban government and started the war on terror. Again, number of international actors fiercely got involved in Afghanistan. The United Nations, the NATO, Pakistan, Iran, India, Turkey, etc. all are now involved in the race for dominating Afghanistan, which further intensified the conflict in Afghanistan.  
22 New Media and Their Role in Supporting the Humanitarian NGOs during Armed Conflicts the ICRC's Work in the Syrian Conflict: A Case Study , Redouane TOUAT and Halima TOUATI    
This paper aims to highlight the role of New Media, especially the social networking sites, in supporting the international Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) during crises and armed conflicts. The focus is on the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which has relied on Facebook in its work during the armed conflict in Syria. This reliance on Facebook has helped facilitate the process of communicating and interacting with the people affected by the conflict, and has made them aware of the consequences of the conflict and the necessary precautions that must be taken. Also, it has contributed to directing them to drinking water points, collective restaurants, and health centres, quickly and with a little effort.  
23 Yumuşak Güç Unsuru Olarak Kamu Diplomasisi   , Gökhan KÖMÜR
Küreselleşen dünyanın giderek değişmesi ve dünyanın artık eski dünya olmaması, yeni aktörlerin ortaya çıkması ve yeni anlayışların oluşması, ülkeler arasında stratejinin daha güçlü olmasını gerektirmektedir. Bu stratejik gücün ise en kuvvetli silahı, kamu diplomasisidir. Uluslararası sistemin farklı boyut kazandığı günümüzde, bu sistemde kabul görmek için eski diplomasi alışkanlıklarının terk edilmesi gerekmektedir. Böyle sistemde, devletler, ulusal ve uluslararası menfaatlerini korumak için ortaya çıkan yeni aktörleri kontrol etmek ve bu aktörleri kullanmak için yeni politikalar üretmelidir. Ortaya çıkan yeni ilişki biçimlerini doğru analiz etmeli bu doğrultuda küresel siteme uygun çalışmalar gerçekleştirilmelidir. Kamu diplomasisinin önemi, yabancı kamuoyunu ve gündemi etkileme becerisinde yatmaktadır. Yumuşak güç kamu diplomasisinin unsurlarından biri olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Yumuşak güç günümüzde demokratik sistemlerin politikalarının en önemli kısmını oluşturmaktadır. Yumuşak güç kullanarak milletler arasında etkileşime fırsat veren kamu diplomasisi araçları, ekonomik, kültürel, siyasi ortaklıkların ve barış ortamının oluşmasına zemin hazırlamaktadır. Dünyada cazibe merkezi olarak görülen, kendisini çok iyi ifade edebilen ve anlatan, güvenirlik kazanmış, işbirliğine açık olan ülkeler, dış politikada ve yabancı kamuoyu nazarında stratejik değerlerini artırarak uluslararası politikada kendilerine önemli bir yer bulmaktadırlar. Bu çalışmanın amacı literatürdeki diğer çalışmaları da inceleyerek yumuşak güç unsuru olan kamu diplomasisinin daha iyi anlaşılmasını sağlamak ve önemini ortaya çıkarmaktır. Çalışmada öncelikle kamu diplomasisi kavramı ele alınarak, anlamı, tarihsel arka planı, amacı ve hedefleri, özellikleri ve unsurları, faaliyet alanı ve boyutları ve son olarak da yumuşak güç kavramı incelenmiştir.  
24 President Rodrigo Duterte and the Birth of Radical Democracy in the Philippines   , Christopher Ryan MABOLOC
In this paper, I examine the radical approach to politics of President Rodrigo Duterte. I will trace the roots of this radicalism to the colonial history of the Philippines in which the Spanish colonizers instituted an elitist democratic system that engendered a deep social divide that has made the people of Mindanao felt betrayed by the capital. This politics of exclusion also gave rise to terrorism in the Southern Part of the country, the latest incident of which was the crisis in Marawi that has left the city devastated to the ground. Political analysts have always criticized the president’s War on Drugs as anti-poor. However, Duterte has remained prominent due to his radical means toward governance. Previous administrations have been accused as lacking any political will. Duterte, on the other hand, has symbolized the strong will of a leader who possesses the charisma necessary to institute structural change.  
25 Evaluation of Developments in Afghanistan in the Context of Foreign Policy and Security Issues   , Hasan ACAR Mustafa PEKCANDANOĞLU  
The need for security is among the basic needs that arise with the existence of human beings. With the socialization of mankind, this need has become one of the important problem areas of the states. At this point, the security of the world which come across some regions more vulnerable than others. One of these geographies is undoubtedly Afghanistan. Afghanistan has long been a sensitive country to domestic and foreign political developments. The political instability that emerged with the intervention of the Soviet Union in 1979 was deepened with the disintegration of the union. The activities carried out by the Taliban administration, which emerged as an element of power during this instability process, caused the United Nations and the United States to impose some sanctions on Afghanistan. As a result of the “Operation Enduring Freedom” carried out by the USA in Afghanistan in 2001, the Taliban administration had to leave the country. Hamid Karzai was elected President at the end of the same year and was appointed as the head of the Afghan interim administration. At the end of 2014, the activities carried out by NATO under the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) were changed into the Resolute Support Mission. Ashraf Ghani, who was elected President in 2018, announced that he was ready to negotiate with the Taliban. As the United States played a mediator role in these negotiations, a temporary peace was established by creating conditions that would allow American soldiers to leave Afghanistan as of February 2020. This article aims to discuss the position of Afghanistan, which plays a critical role in the security of the Middle East, within the scope of domestic and foreign political developments.  
26 Komünizmden Sonra İslam: Orta Asya’da Din ve Politika, Adeep Khalid (Kitap İncelemesi) , Elanur AKDAĞ
Adeep Khalid tarafından yazılan Komünizmden Sonra İslam: Orta Asya’da Din ve Politika isimli kitap günümüzde Orta Asya cumhuriyetlerinde yürütülen din ve politika ilişkisini anlamak adına önemli bir kaynak olarak görülebilir. Cumhuriyetlerde yürürlükte olan politikaları anlamak kolay olmayabilir ancak Sovyetler Birliği’nde gerçekleştirilen uygulamaları incelemek, din ve siyaset ilişkisini kavramak adına önem arz eden bir kitap olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Orta Asya’da din ve siyaset alanına ilgi duyan akademisyenler için son zamanlarda yapılan önemli bir çalışma olan kitap, referans olarak kullanılacak bir kaynak olma özelliği taşımaktadır.  
27 Orienting the Relevance of Unconventional Security Architecture and Emerging Urban Spaces in North-Eastern Nigeria   , Seun BAMIDELE
The sequences of political disagreements, of the twenty-first century, has produced several unconventional security groups that employ a variety of measures to combat crimes in urban spaces. Thus, unconventional security groups have emerged under a locally-based security architecture, and have shown that they can be applied in conventional security engagements. But while other issues in the area have attracted more research attentions, little is known about these unconventional security groups and their operations, especially in urban spaces. These groups have emerged as expedient arrangements, necessitated by insecurity in the urban areas. It often involves processes, including a call for volunteers in the localities, which was subsequently heeded by quite a large number of unconventional security groups, to align efforts to fight insecurity. Although the rate of insecurity has not mitigated in the urban localities, the group has remained intact, and has, sometimes constituted security challenges to the locals. On several occasions, they have also been fingered in various acts of human rights abuse. Nevertheless, the indigenous people still prefer to have them around. Hence, considering urban peace and security processes, there is need for the conventional security groups to seek to simplify and, at the same time, broaden participation to accommodate this initiative in the overall security design. This study seeks to interrogate the integration between conventional and unconventional security groups, as evident in north-eastern Nigeria.  
28 From Civil War among Clans to War on Terror: The Regionalization and Internationalization of the Somali Conflict   , Mohamed Salah AHMED
The collapse of the military regime in Somalia on 21January, 1991was followed by a bloody civil war among clans which caused a severe humanitarian crisis that caught the mainstream media headlines. However, most of the studies about the civil war and its implications at the time have indicated as an internal conflict. The emergence of armed Islamists alongside the US policies of counterterrorism after 9/11 have changed the nature and direction of the Somali conflict. External efforts aimed to reduce armed Islamists have backfired and benefited for their political gains. Therefore, this article aims to reflect upon the birth of Islamist groups in Somalia by paying much attention to the emergence of jihadi Islamism and their role on the transformation of Somali conflict; from civil among clans to war on terror. Furthermore, sheds light that regional and international interventions have impacted negatively on the ongoing efforts of state and peace-building but also urges the demilitarization of Somalia which seems to be challenging if the jihadist groups are not defeated which brought on the external interventions in the first place.  
29 Will the Gandhian Non-Violence Produce Nonviolence Peacekeeping: From Shanti Sena (Peace Army) to the Islamic Nonviolence   , Sezai ÖZÇELİK
The improvement of global security and world peace is the raison d’etre of the United Nations. The concept of multilateral peacekeeping has been practiced by the UN over the last eighty-five years. The peacekeeping operations have three main objectives: collective security, preventive diplomacy and peaceful settlement of international conflicts. The idea of creating an international nonviolence “peace army” can be traced to the Shanti Sena (Gandhian peace brigade). The members of the Shanti Sena used nonviolent unarmed tools not kill but die for their peacekeeping duties. The present study aims to shed light on the evolution of nonviolent peacekeeping ideas and present some examples in the post-Cold War conflicts. In the post-Covid-19 world, it is possible to refrain from the threat or actual use of force and replace it with unarmed civilian peacekeeping. Nonviolent peacekeeping may employ some Western (relationships, influence, advocacy, solidarity) and Islamic sabr(patience), Hijra (exodus), fasting, umma (community), sulha (reconciliation) cultural and traditional principles and commitments. With the help of social media, citizens may become a central force for pro-democracy and anti-dictatorship movements with the emphasis of nonviolence for preventing escalation of violence and conflict early warning and early response.  
30 Countering Psychological Operations and Deceptions that Indoctrinate Anti-Islam Hate and Violence   , Yusuf FIRINCI
This research article examines the connection between anti-Islam indoctrinations, pseudo-reality construction using engineered misinformation, and ideological aggressions resulting in crimes against Muslims such as massacres with anti-Islam media and internet networks.  It can be argued that various kinds of education strategies on indoctrinations of various topics such as nationalism, conservatism, or extremist ideologies resulting in terrorism can be designed, constructed, and transferred by creating fictions, engineered-informations, and pseudo-realities within the digital cyberspace.  Today, it can be argued that the internet is a secret weapon, and some institutions very well discovered how to use it on the psychological front. This article suggests that the misinformants must be warned and educated, whereas manipulators and disinformants must be prevented, to save innocent people. This research analyzed the influence, deception, and indoctrination strategies by utilizing critical discourse analysis methods, such as Ideological Square Model developed by Teun A. Van Dijk. The essential steps of possible counter psychological indoctrinations are briefly illustrated.  
31 Avrupa Birliği’nin Dışişlerinde Demokratik Değerler Söylemi ve Eleştirisi , Hakan SAMUR
Barış, demokrasi, insan hakları, hukukun üstünlüğü ve adalet gibi normatif değerlerin, Avrupa’daki bütünleşme sürecinin üzerine inşa edildiği temel yapı taşları oldukları hem Avrupa Birliği’nin resmi söyleminde hem de geniş bir entelektüel çevrede neredeyse tartışmasız kabul edilen bir olgudur. Yine Birliğin söylemine göre, söz konusu demokratik değerler, özellikle 1990’lardan itibaren Birliğin ortak dışişleri, güvenlik ve savunma politikalarında da, üçüncü ülkelerle ilişkilerini belirlemede de öncelikle dikkate alınan başlıca kriterlerdir. Oysaki uygulamadaki durum bu idealist söylemlerle örtüşmemektedir. Bir yandan AB’nin Ortak Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası kapsamında gerçekleştirdiği askeri operasyonlarını diğer yandan da çeşitli ülkelerde ortaya çıkan askeri darbelere yönelik tepkilerini analiz etmek suretiyle bu çalışma, söylemle uygulama arasındaki farkı ortaya koymaya çalışmaktadır.  
32 Alman Stratejik Kültürünün Yükselişi: 1969-2016 Arasi Yayımlanan Alman Ulusal Güvenlik Stratejisi Belgelerinin Nitel Analizi   , Emre Baran PAK- Fikret BİRDİŞLİ  
Almanya günümüzde uluslararası sistemin önde gelen aktörlerinden biridir. Küresel ekonomiye olan katkıları ve AB içindeki başat rolü nedeniyle her geçen gün önemi daha da artmaktadır. İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında baskılanan Alman stratejik kültürü Soğuk Savaş yıllarından günümüze kadar geçen süreç içinde yeniden nüksederek uluslararası politikada baskın rolüne evrilme eğilimindedir. Bu makalede Almanya’nın uluslararası politikada değişen konumu 1969 yılından itibaren Almanya tarafından yayımlanmaya başlayan Ulusal Güvenlik Strateji Belgeleri (White Books) üzerinden analiz edilmektedir. 1969-2016 yılları arasında yayımlanan bu belgelerde Almanya’nın uluslararası politikaya olan angajmanının konjonktürel değişikliklerle uyumlu olarak tedricen evrildiği görülmektedir. Almanya’nın baskın tarihsel kimliğinin nüksettiği tezine dayalı olan bu çalışma birincil kaynaklara dayandırılmıştır.  
33 İran: Ulusal Kimlik İnşası (ed.Hamid Ahmedi) , Muhammed Hüseyin ÇELİK
34 The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Regime Fragility: Explaining China’s International Efforts at Solving Domestic Insecurity , Thomas AMEYAW-BROBBEY
The purpose of this paper is to discuss China’s sources of regime insecurity, its impact on world peace and conflict and how the regime addresses these challenges.  How does China’s regime insecurity affect international relations, peace and conflict and how is it responding to such challenge in order not to disturb international peace and cooperation? How do China’s public reactions affect international relations, conflict, peace and cooperation? It argues that China’s regime insecurity caused by strong nationalist emotions and domestic discontent is a potential source of impediment on world peace than its external strength. By using foreign policy initiative and primary sources, the paper shows that, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is one course of action the Chinese regime addresses its challenges. Specifically, China is strengthening regime security and external peace through foreign policy – providing for the international dimension of the domestic threat – by trying to decrease domestic discontent through securing international commercial activities with its BRI, to stem horizontal inequalities and regime insecurity. I base the theoretical argument on the Diversionary Theory of War. The paper helps fill the gap in the discussion of China and international security which has been dominated by China’s rise in power capabilities.    
35 Prospects of CSTO and SCO in Regional Politics of Central Asia   , Sarwat RAUF - Adam SAUD
This paper examines the coordination between the two organizations in Central Asia viz. the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It identifies the priorities of the members of the CSTO and SCO and their likely actions towards each other. Both organizations are headed by non-Western powers and they claim to be security providers in Central Asian region. However, the security puzzle is still unresolved and this pertinent problem invokes scholars to research the issue. There is growing skepticism that Russia has leaned toward hedging of China in Central Asia and some scholars have projected a clash between great powers in Central Asia.  In this background, this paper seeks to study the actions and policies of Russia and China concerning regional integration and security bequests. It offers the account of security threats in Central Asia and the functioning of SCO and CSTO to cope up challenges. The focus is on the efforts of SCO and CSTO to conjure up local leaders of CARs to take collective problem-solving actions and their responses. Overall, an analysis of the functioning of CSTO and SCO and member states’ efforts over countering terrorism, coordination and intelligence sharing has been presented.  
36 Bangladesh-China Economic Relations: Wolf in the Sheep’s Clothing   , Md. Mufassir Rashid
In the 21st century, China has invested billions of dollars across the world. Bangladesh also took Chinese loans and aids to meet demand. Recently, this relation is declared as ‘strategic partnership’. One may think seeing this shift in relation, both parties may gain equally. But looking at the cases and recent developments in Chinese projects, skepticism rises that China is engaged in and prefers unequal trade relations with the relatively weaker states. Chinese project in Bangladesh also shows faulty payment, poor labor facility, impracticality, and corruption. As a result, the suspicion arises that, China is seeking more surplus in the least cost from these projects. This is one of the core characteristics of mercantilism. Authoritarian ‘Communist’ China’s promoting liberal economy also contradicts with the ideological position. And creates a question, whether China is an ideological state or a mercantile state void of any ideology? This paper will try to understand Bangladesh-China economic relations from the neo-mercantilist perspective by looking at the transformation of China, where the root of Chinese neo-mercantilism is lying. It will also try to understand how mercantilism, an old wolf is hiding under the clothing of a sheep named ‘development’ and doing what it did openly in its peak time.  
37 The Dynamics of Internationalization for the China in the Context of New Gramscianism , Ferdi Tayfur GÜÇYETMEZ
The former Soviet Union lost the tug-of-war against the capitalist western hegemon United States of America as it got dissolved in 1991. The international system shifted dramatically from bipolarity to unipolarity for the benefit of the Pax Americana, and history was assumed to be ended in favour of it as clearly as indicated by Fukuyama in brief account. In International Relations literature, it could be observed that there are many scholars like offensive neorealist John Mearsheimer who produced seminal studies drawing our attention on the pros and cons of rising power, China. Our main argument is to make elaborations on  what Cox theoretically put forward, upon which our assumption is that China wants to achieve what the former Soviet Union failed by using different, but not surprising, methodology: Not the war of movement based on the complete material power by disregarding other configurations of power as the former Soviet Union insisted on during the Cold War between 1945 up until its break down, but the war of position to achieve counter hegemony against the West is the strategy of China. For penetrating the idea, read Communist ideology, into the Western sphere of influence in the Third World, and on the globe in general, China put in motion the strategy of passive revolution via eco-soft power that is to be defined as outward investment for attraction and persuasion through material capacity to obtain consent (legitimacy).  
38 Huawei, 5G Networks, and Digital Geopolitics , Gökhan TEKİR
The new global competition between the United States of America (USA) and China is shaped by access to the flows of the networks. This competition intensified particularly on 5G networks. China has already surpassed the USA in the development of 5G technology with its trademark company Huawei and has stepped up its efforts to reach global market. In addition to building railroads and roads, China also engages in developing digital infrastructure for the countries, which legged behind in terms of digital infrastructure. China’s efforts of upgrading digital infrastructure include laying out fiber optic cable networks on which 5G networks are built. Huawei also expanded into European countries, which want to upgrade its domestic 5G networks. U.S. government perceives China’s digital expansion as a security risk toward infrastructure networks. Hence, it intensified its efforts to restrict Huawei’s access to global market. Thus, instead of striving to control of a particular territory, the USA and China seeks to gain influence over networks, hubs, and services. Although China and the USA are main actors, this confrontation includes regional bodies such as the European Union (EU) and multinational companies.   
39 Opportunities and Challenges in Turkish and Chinese Bilateral Relationship , Ahmet Faruk ISIK
This article focuses on Turkey and China's bilateral relationship. In this context, the opportunities and challenges have been analyzed between the two countries. According to the findings, some economic opportunities such as the ‘Belt and Road project and problematic areas such as Uyghurs' problems and Syria issue are hot spots for this relationship. Besides, Turkey's membership in NATO also has been regarded to determine the axis of this relationship. The recent developments in the domestic and international areas in both countries forced to us reconsider this relationship in the context of a “new era” by multidimensional approaches. Another aim to reach in this paper is to analyze potential uncertainties to determine the strategic depth of this relationship. In this frame, primary sources and descriptive analysis method has been used for this research.     
40 Bir Kuşak Bir Yol Projesi Çerçevesinde Çin’in Afrika Politikası ve Çatışma Çözümü Yaklaşımı   , Belma ENGİN GÜDER – Cemre PEKCAN
Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplininde yeni bir çalışma alanı olan Çatışma Çözümü, özellikle üçüncü tarafların arabuluculuk yöntemini kullanarak soruna müdahil olması ve çatışmaların barışçıl yollarla çözülmesi açısından önem taşımaktadır. Geçmişten günümüze pek çok çatışma ve şiddete sahne olan Afrika kıtası, çatışma çözümü çabalarına ve üçüncü taraf rollerine önemli ölçüde ihtiyaç duyulan bölgelerden biridir. Ayrıca Afrika, 21. yüzyılda büyük güçler için yeniden bir mücadele alanına dönüşmektedir. Bir Kuşak Bir Yol projesi, Çin’in bölgeye ilgisini, etkisini ve yatırımlarını güçlendirmektedir. Güçlü bir rakip olarak Çin’in Afrika’daki varlığı, “sorumluluk” ve “sorumlu güç” tartışmasını beraberinde getirmektedir. Ancak sorumluluk, üçüncü taraf olarak büyük güçlerin kıtadaki çatışma çözümü veya barış girişimlerine katkı vermesi veya öncülük etmesini açıklamaya tek başına yetmemektedir. Bu noktada, üçüncü tarafların rasyonel motivasyon ve çıkarları devreye girmektedir. Bu çalışma, Çin’in Afrika’ya yönelik politikalarını ve çatışma çözümü yaklaşımını, Bir Kuşak Bir Yol projesi çerçevesinde ve üçüncü tarafların sorumluluk, rasyonel çıkar ve motivasyonları kapsamında ele almaktadır.  
41 Yeni Çevrelemenin İlk Sahnesi: Güney Çin Denizi’nde ABD-Çin Rekabeti   , Sami YILDIRIM
Dünya, giderek 21. yüzyılın en büyük iki büyük gücü olan ABD ve Çin arasında süren kafa karıştırıcı hegemonya mücadelesine sahne olmaktadır. ABD uzun süredir sahip olduğu ayrıcalıkları korumaya çalışırken, diğeri kendine özgü kıldığı tarihsel gelişimi kapsamında kaynakların bölgeselleşmesinden kendine bazı ayrıcalıklar sağlama peşinde. ABD ve Çin arasındaki çatışmanın politik, ekonomik ve askeri yönleri olmakla birlikte Kuşak ve Yol Projesi gibi büyük projeler kapsamında Çin’in denizleri kendi kontrolünde tutmak istemesi gibi mücadelenin daha somut yanları da var. Bu kapsamda Güney Çin Denizi “Çevreleme 2.0”ın ilk sahnesi olarak belirginleşmiş ve bilhassa askeri rekabetin jeo-ekonomik faktörleri etkilemesi açısından öne çıkmıştır. Söz konusu denizde ABD seyrüsefer serbestliğini, Çin ise tarihsel egemenlik haklarını başat unsurlar olarak ileri sürerek ve en çok da deniz kuvvetlerini kullanarak büyük güçler rekabetinin gereklerini yerine getirmektedir. Zorlayıcı tedbirlerin istenmeyen en sonuncusu olarak da olsa sıcak çatışma olasılığı, birçok kesimin göz ardı edemeyeceği kadar muhtemel ve de tehlikeli görünmektedir.    
42 Çin’in Kültürel Diplomasisi: Konfüçyüs Enstitüleri’nin Rolü ve Eleştiriler   , Buket ÖNAL  
Ülkelerin dış politika hedeflerine ulaşmada önemli bir diplomasi aracı olan “kültür” yüzyıllardır bu amaca hizmet etmektedir. Kültürel diplomasinin olumlu sonuçlarını gören devletler, bu diplomasiyi çoğu kez devlet merkezli kurumsal plan ve programlar çerçevesinde bir dış politika aracı olarak kullanmaktadırlar. Hedef, dış politikayı yürütebilecek ortamı sağlamak amacıyla kültürü dışarda tanıtmak ve yayılmasını sağlamaktır. Bunu sağlayacak en önemli araç da “Dil”dir. Çin de dilini ve kültürünü dünyaya tanıtma ve öğretme görevini Konfüçyüs Enstitülerine vermiştir. Kısa bir sürede dünyadaki örneklerini sayıca geçen ve dünyanın hemen hemen her yerinde açılan bu enstitüler, Çin’in kültürel diplomasisinin merkezinde yer almaktadırlar. Konfüçyüs Enstitülerinin işlevi, dış politikayı yürütebilecek uyumlu bir dünya inşa etmek ve aynı zamanda “barışçıl yükseliş”e yardım etmektir. Diğer ülkelerdeki eğitim kurumlarıyla ortaklık çerçevesinde açılan bu enstitüler, kuruldukları günden bugüne hem dışarıdan hem de içeriden eleştiri almaktadır. Bu enstitülerin Çin’in propaganda aracı olduğunu ileri süren dıştaki eleştirilere rağmen içeride de bunun tam aksi olarak Enstitülerin bu görevi yeterince yerine getiremediği yönünde eleştiriler vardır. Bu çalışmada, Enstitülerin kültürel diplomasideki rolü ve enstitülere yapılan eleştiriler ayrıntılı ele alınacaktır.
43 Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Avrupa Birliği’nin 2019 Hong Kong Protestolarına Yaklaşımları   , Emre ÇALIŞKAN - Merve AYGÜN - İlhan ARAS
21. yüzyıl, küresel siyasette birçok bölgede protestolar ve toplumsal hareketlere tanık olmaktadır. Bu olaylar, ekonomik sorunlardan özgürlük mücadelesine kadar geniş bir yelpazede ortaya çıkabilmektedir. Bu çerçevede özellikle dikkat çeken Hong Kong, tarihsel geçmişiyle ekonomik ve siyasi olarak Çin için önemli bir yere sahip olmuştur. Son yıllarda sıklıkla gündeme gelen Hong Kong protestoları Çin ile gerginliğin giderek artmasına neden olmuştur. Çin için hassas konular arasında yer alan Hong Kong, birçok aktörün dikkatini çekmiştir. Bu çerçevede, Hong Kong’daki protestolara küresel güçlerin yaklaşımları Çin açısından önemli olmaktadır. Çalışmada ele alınan iki aktör olan Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Avrupa Birliği, Çin’in ekonomik ve siyasi hayatında ilk sıralarda olması nedeniyle önemlidir. Çalışmada öncelikle Hong Kong protestolarının genel bir değerlendirilmesi yapılmış, sonraki bölümlerde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Avrupa Birliği’nin protestolara yaklaşımları kronolojik olarak ortaya konulmuştur. İki aktörün yaklaşımı liderler, kurum ve organ temsilcilerinin söylemleri temelinde gösterilmiştir. Böylece, Hong Kong protestolarıyla ilgili olarak iki önemli aktörün yaklaşımlarındaki benzerlikler ve farklılıklar temelinde bazı çıkarımlar yapmak mümkün olacaktır. Çalışmada, protestolar karşısında ABD’nin AB’den daha sert söylemlerinin olduğu, Trump yönetiminin sorunun doğrudan taraflarından biri haline geldiği görülmüştür.